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Full text of "Moralia, in fifteen volumes, with an English translation by Frank Cole Babbitt"

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. 

EDITED BY 
t T. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. 

t E. CAPPS, ph.d., ll.d. t W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. 

L. A. POST, l.h.d. E. H. WARMLNGTON, m.a., f.r.hist.soc. 



PLUTARCH'S 
MORALIA 

XI 



PLUTARCH'S 
MORALIA 

IN FIFTEEN VOLUMES 

XI 

854 E— 874 c, 911c— 919 F 

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
LIONEL PEARSON 

STANFORD UNIVERSITY 

F. H. SANDBACH 

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE 




CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

LONDON 

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD 

MCMLXV 



© The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1965 




V3tk 

mo 

xnted in Great Britai, 



Printed 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XI 

PAGE 

Prefatory Note ...... vii 

The Traditional Order of the Books of the 

MORALIA ix 

On the Malice of Herodotus — 

Introduction ...... 2 

Text and Translation .... 8 

Causes of Natural Phenomena — 

Introduction . . . . . .133 

Text and Translation . . . .148 

Index ........ 231 



PREFATORY NOTE 

The Malice of Herodotus is translated by Lionel Pear- 
son . Causes of Natural Phenomena is by F . H . Sandbach . 
There is no joint responsibility. The editors regret 
that it is not possible to include at this time Aetius, 
De Placitis Philosophorum, 874 D — 911 c, which is 
usually found in editions of Plutarch. The Index was 
prepared by Edward N. O'Neil. 



vn 



THE TRADITIONAL ORDER of the Books of 
the Moralia as they appear since the edition of 
Stephanus (1572), and their division into volumes 
in this edition. 

PAGE 

I. De liber is educandis (Ilept naCSajv dycoyrjs) . 1a 

Quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat 

(ncOS 0€t TOV V€OV TTOLTJfJLaTayV olkovclv) . . 17d 

De recta ratione audiendi (Ilept tov d/cou'etv) . 37 b 

Quomodo adulator ab amico internoscatur 

(IIcU? dv TLS bl(LKpLV€l,€ TOV KoXoLKCL TOV <j>lAov) . 48E 

Quomodo quis suos in virtute sentiat profectus 

(IIa)j dv tls atadoiTO iavTod ttpokotttovtos eV 

dp€Tjj) ....... 75a 

II. De capienda ex inimicis utilitate (Uajs dv tls 

vtt* ixOp&v a^eAotro) .... 86b 

De amicorum multitudine (Ilept 7roAu<£tAt'as) . 93a 
De fortuna (Ilept tu^s) .... 97c 

De virtute et vitio (Ilept dptTrjs /cat /ca/ct'a?) . 100b 
Consolatio ad Apollonium (UapafxvdrjTLKos npos 

*A7ToX\a>vLov) . . . . . . 10 lr 

De tuenda sanitate praecepta ('Tytetva 7rap- 

ayycAficLTa) . . . . . .122b 

Coniugalia praecepta (TapLLKa TTapayyiXpLara) . 138a 
Septem sapientium convivium (TdV cVtci <jo(f>a>v 

ovpLTToaLOv) . . . . . .146b 

De superstitione (Ilept SetatSat/Ltovta?) . . 164e 

III. Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata ('Atto- 

<f>deypLaTa jSaatAe'cov /cat ar paTrjy a>v) . . 172a 

Apophthegmata Laconica ^ Kiro^diypLaTa Aa- 

KcjvLKa) ....... 208a 

Instituta Laconica (Tct 7raAatd tojv Aa/ceSatjitovtaw 

eVtT^Seu/AaTa) ...... 236f 

ix 



THE TRADITIONAL ORDER 



Lacaenarum apophthegmata (AaKaivtov diro- 

(frdiyfiaTa) . . . . 

Mulierum virtutes (Tvvcukcov dperai) 
IV. Quaestiones Romanae (Atrta 'Po^at/cd) . 
Quaestiones Graecae (Atrta 'EAA^vt/ca) . 
Parallela Graeca et Romana (Lvvayajyr) Igto- 

pitov rrapa^XyXcov 'EAA^vt/coDv /cat 'Pw/Ltat/ccDv) . 
De fortuna Romanorum (Hepl rrjs 'Pajfiaicov 

rvxns) .... . . 

De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute, li- 

bri ii (Ilept rrjs 'AXeijdvSpov rvxrjs r) dperrjs, 

AdyotjS') 

Bellone an pace clariores fuerint Athenienses 

(Horepov 'Adrjvcuoi /card rroXefiov r) /card oocfrtav 

evoogorepoi) ...... 

V. De Iside et Osiride (Hepl "IglSos /cat 'OatptSos) 
De E apud Delphos (He pi rov EI rov iv AeXfoZs) 
De Pythiae oraculis (Ilcpt rov p.r) xpdV ep,p.erpa 

vvv rr)v YivdLav) . . 

De defectu oraculorum (Hepi ra>v iKXeXoirroroiv 

XfyrjGTTjplcov) ...... 

VI. An virtus doceri possit (Et 8t8a/croi> r) apery) . 
De virtute morali (Ilept rrjs r)diKrjs dperrjs) 
De cohibenda ira (Hepi dopyqolas) 
De tranquillitate animi (Ilcpt evdvfiCas) . 
De fraterno amore (Ilept faXaoeXtyas) 
De amore prolis (Hepl rrjs els rd eKyova <f>iXo- 

aropylas) ...... 

An vitiositas ad infelicitatem sufficiat (Et 

avrdpKrjs r) /ca/ct'a rrpos KaKoocupLOviav) . 
Animine an corporis affectiones sint peiores 

(Horepov rd rrjs ipvxfjs rj rd rov Gc^fiaros rrdQr) 

Xeipova) . . . . . 

De garrulitate (Ilepi dooXeaxlas) . . 

De curiositate (Hepl rroXvrTpayixoovvrjs) . 
VII. De cupiditate divitiarum (Hepl <f>iXorrXovrtas) . 
De vitioso pudore (Ilcpt Bvacurrlas) 
De invidia et odio (Ilept </>66vov /cat fxloovs) 
De se ipsum citra invidiam laudando (Uepl rod 

eavrov erraivevv dvern^Oovcos) 
De sera numinis vindicta (Ilcpt rdv vrrd rov 

deiov fipaoiats ripiojpovfievaiv) 



PAGE 

240c 
242e 
263d 
291d 

305a 

316b 

326d 



345c 
351c 
384c 

394d 

409e 
439a 
440d 
452e 
464e 
478a 

493a 

498a 



500b 
502b 
515b 
523c 

528c 
536e 

539a 

548a 



608a 
612c 

697c 

748e 
771e 



THE TRADITIONAL ORDER 

PAGE 

De fato (Uepl elfiapfjLcvTjs) .... 568b 
De genio Socratis (Ilepl rod HojKpdrovs haipioviov) 575a 
De exilio (Ilepi </>vyr}s) .... 599a 

Consolatio ad uxorem (UapapLvdrjriKos irpos ttjv 

yvvalKa) ..... 

VIII. Quaestionum convivalium libri vi (Ei^7roo-«z 

kcjv TrpopXrjpLOLTOJv piflXia s*') 
I, 612c ; II, 629b ; III, 644e ; IV, 659e ; V 

672d ; VI, 686a 
IX. Quaestionum convivalium libri iii (Zvfnroaia 

kcjv TrpopX^pbdrajv j3t/?Aia y') 
VII, 697c ; VIII, 716d ; IX, 736c 
Amatorius ('Epam/cds) 
X. Amatoriae narrationes ('Epam/ccu. Stijy^o-cis) 
Maxime cum principibus philosopho esse dis- 

serendum (Uepl rod on {idXiara rots rjyepLoai, 

Set rov <j>iX6oo<f>ov SiaXeyeaOcu) . . . 776a 

Ad principem ineruditum (IIpos rjyepiova dtiai- 

Seurov) 779c 

An seni respublica gerenda sit (Et TTpeofivripa) 

7toXlt€vt€ov) ...... 783a 

Praecepta gerendae reipublicae (IIoAtTt/ca 

TrapayyeX/jLara) . . . . 79 8 A 

De unius in republica dominatione, populari 

statu, et paucorum imperio (Uepl piovapxlas 

Kal SrjfjLOKpaTias Kal dAtyap^tas) . . . 826a 

De vitando aere alieno (Ilept rod fir) BeTv Savet- 

IcoOaj) . . . . . / . f . 827d 

Vitae decern oratorum (Uepl rdv Se'/ca p-t\r6- 

pojv) ....... 

Comparationis Aristophanis et Menandri com- 
pendium (Suy/CptCT€CO? ' ApLGTO(f)dvOVS Kal M.€V- 

dvhpov €7TLTO[jLi]) ..... 853a 

XI. De Herodoti malignitate (Ilept T77? 'HpoSorou 

KaKorjOelas) . . . . . . 854e 

* De placitis philosophorum, libri v (Ilept ra>v 

dpeoKovTOiv tols c/jlXogo^ols, jStjSAta e') . . 874d 

Quaestiones naturales (AtVtat <f>voiKai) . . 911c 

XII. De facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (Uepl rod 
ijJL^atvofJievov TTpooojTrov rep kvkXoj rijs creAiJ- 

vt)s) ■ . . 920a 

* Not included in this edition. 

xi 



THE TRADITIONAL ORDER 

PAGE 

De primo frigido (Ilept rod TTpojrios ipvxpov) . 945e 
Aquane an ignis sit utilior (Uepl rod noTepov 

vSdjp 7) 7TVp xP r } (TL ^ L( ^ r€ P 0V ) • 955d 

Terrestriane an aquatilia animalia sint callidi- 

ora (IIoTepa rwv t.coojv (frpovipicoTepa rd x^p^ata 

77 Ta evvBpa) ...... 959a 

Bruta animalia ratione uti, sive Gryllus (Hepi 

rod rd dXoya Xoyco xpyvdai) . . . 985d 

De esu carnium orationes ii (Hepl aapKo^aylas 

Xoyoifi') % 993a 

XIII. Platonicae quaestiones (ILXaTajviKd ^rrj p.aTa) 999c 
De animae procreatione in Timaeo (flept rrjs iv 

TifAalq) i/jvxoyovias) ..... 1012a 
Compendium libri de animae procreatione in 

Timaeo ('E^iro/ii) rod 7T€pl rrjs iv ra> Tifxala) 

ipvxoyov(as) ...... 1030d 

De Stoicorum repugnantiis (IIc/h Etohkcuv ivav- 

TLOjfxdrcjv) ...... 1033 a 

Compendium argumenti Stoicos absurdiora 

poetis dicere (Hvvoipis rov on 7rapaSo^6r€pa ol 

Srcot/cot tojv 7tol7]t6jv Xiyovoi) . . . 1057c 

De communibus notitiis ad versus Stoicos (Ilc/n 

tcjv Koivtbv ivvoiwv rrpos tovs Htcoikovs) . 1058e 

XIV. Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum 

("On ovhk t,rjv iorlv rjBecus kojt 'Em/coupon) . 1086c 
Adversus Colotem (IIoos KojXcottjv v-nkp twv 

dXXojv (f>iXoG6(j)ajv) ..... 1107d 
An recte dictum sit latenter esse vivendum (Et 

kclAcos elprjTai to XdOe fiiuxjas) . . . 1128a 

T)e musics (He pi (aovoiktjs) . . . .1131a 

XV. Fragments and Index 



xu 



ON THE MALICE OF 
HERODOTUS 

(DE HERODOTI MALIGNITATE) 



VOL. XI 



INTRODUCTION 

In this essay Herodotus is accused not only of malice, 
duplicity, and a preference for putting the worst 
interpretation on other people's acts, but also of in- 
sincerity and deliberate falsification of the facts. The 
Greek word kakoetheia embraces all these offences, 
and the translator has searched in vain for an equally 
comprehensive English word. The charge of kakoetheia 
is a very serious one, and when the word " malice " 
is used in the translation of this essay it implies a 
moral offence, a real viciousness of character, the 
opposite of the corresponding virtue euetheia, which 
means frank honesty, integrity, and kindliness of 
disposition. 

To most readers of Herodotus it will seem astonish- 
ing that such charges should be directed against him ; 
and Plutarch is aware of this. He issues a solemn 
warning that the charm and grace of his style dis- 
guises his true malicious intent and that his apparent 
open-mindedness in recording various versions of 
events is really an invitation to accept the least 
creditable alternative. Thus the history is repre- 
sented as a monstrous libel on the great heroes of 
classical Greece, a dangerous book which may induce 
unwary readers to form an utterly false impression 
of the glorious events of the past. Plutarch claims 
not only to be vindicating his Boeotian ancestors 
2 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS 

against the charge of treachery to their fellow Greeks, 
but also to be defending Corinthians, Spartans, and 
Athenians, because, despite the apparent preference 
of Herodotus for Athens, the historian has not spared 
the champions of Greek liberty any more than those 
Greeks whose part in the Persian Wars was a less 
honourable one. 

Other critics, ancient and modern, have questioned 
the accuracy and the good judgement of Herodotus, 
but not even the severest modern critic would sup- 
port many of the charges made in this essay. It is 
not necessary to answer them in full here, since each 
reader can do this most effectively for himself by 
reference to a text of Herodotus ; but notes on the 
translation will point out some of the more unreason- 
able and ill-grounded details of the indictment. The 
charges have often been answered in print ; indeed, 
lovers of Herodotus in the eighteenth century came 
to his rescue with spirited replies, led by the Abbe 
Geinoz who in 1753 contributed the first of three 
memoirs to the Academie des Inscriptions entitled 
Defense d'Herodote contre les accusations de Plutarque 
{Memoir es de V Academie des Inscriptions et Belles- 
Lettres, xix, xxi, xxiii). Admittedly Herodotus is not 
an idealist and does not always treat his characters 
very gently ; but this does not mean that he takes a 
jaundiced view of human nature or is lacking in sym- 
pathy for human weakness (cf. Ph. E. Legrand, " De 
la malignite d'Herodote," Melanges Gustave Glotz, 
Paris, 1932, ii, pp. 535-547). 

While this essay has offended lovers of Herodotus, 
it has also disturbed admirers of Plutarch, who have 
found it hard to believe that so kindly and good- 
natured an author could himself write with such fierce 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

malice and thus lay himself open to charges similar 
to those which he levels against Herodotus. Accord- 
ingly attempts have been made to show that the work 
was not written by Plutarch, but by some Boeotian 
rhetorician anxious to clear the good name of his 
ancestors by discrediting Herodotus as a witness. A 
vigorous upholder of this view was Bahr, the editor of 
Herodotus, who persisted in maintaining it despite 
the objections of G. Lahmeyer, De libelli Plutarckei 
qui de malignitate Herbdoti inscribitur et auctoritate et 
auctore (Gottingen, 1848). Some are still tempted to 
question Plutarch's authorship, but it is very difficult 
to make a good case against it. Though the work 
may appear in some ways unworthy of the character 
and intelligence of Plutarch, its language and style, 
in terms of vocabulary and idiom, are unmistakably 
his ; the examples of hiatus in the text as it is pre- 
served can easily be eliminated by emendation, and 
perhaps should be, since the text tradition is not 
good ; and there are numerous reminiscences of his 
other works. If the essay was not written by Plu- 
tarch, it must have been written by someone who 
knew his work intimately and was capable of imi- 
tating his style and wanted his work to pass for a 
genuine essay of Plutarch. Even if a forger possessed 
the necessary knowledge and skill, it is difficult to 
understand the motive of such a forgery. 

Hence, since the article of Holzapfel in Pkilologus, 
lxii (1884), pp. 23-53, who refutes the various argu- 
ments of Bahr, the De Malignitate has passed for a 
genuine work of Plutarch and any who still refuse to 
accept it as such must be considered adherents of a 
lost cause. Such faithful sceptics would do well to 
read Plutarch's essay Concerning Talkativeness (L.C.L. 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS 

vol. vi) and his Comparison between Aristophanes and 
Menander (L.C.L. vol. x), which, though less acri- 
monious than the De Malignitate, show some of the 
same spirit. 

Indeed, if the essay is to be understood properly 
and not to be regarded as a mere outburst of bad 
temper, it must be considered in the light of Plu- 
tarch's views on history and literature as they are 
expressed elsewhere. As a Platonist Plutarch was 
anxious that worthy characters and fit models for 
imitation by the young should be presented by poets 
and historians alike and, as is plain from many pas- 
sages in the Lives, he is more seriously concerned that 
history shall offer edification and moral lessons than 
that it be written with critical accuracy. Plutarch's 
attitude towards history is well presented by Hau- 
vette, who has a chapter on the De Malignitate in his 
Herodote, historien des guerres mediques (Paris, 1894) ; 
he considers that the earlier critics had failed to see 
the true ethical character of the work ; and its 
genuineness is defended in similar terms by Ziegler. 
If, as Hauvette says, Plutarch's principle of history is 
that " tout est beau dans l'histoire de la lutte vic- 
torieuse des Grecs contre les Perses," and " every- 
thing which tends to sully the brilliance of the picture 
is open to dispute and should be eliminated," we 
cannot expect to find his criticisms of historians either 
valid or reasonable. Such a view of history, which 
concentrates on " heroes and heroic deeds of the 
past," may not commend itself to those who are 
interested in historical truth ; but it is an attitude 
that can still be found in the correspondence columns 
of daily newspapers, where indignant protests are 
sometimes raised against " unpatriotic " public criti- 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

cism of national heroes. The De Malignitate is an 
ethical essay, not an attempt at historical criticism or 
a political pamphlet in defence of the Boeotians ; and 
Plutarch's credit is better preserved if this is con- 
stantly borne in mind by his readers. 

The text, which offers many difficulties to an editor, 
is preserved in only two manuscripts, both in the 
Bibliotheque Nationale. E (Paris. 1672), which con- 
tains all the essays of I^lutarch, was made in the time 
of Planudes (about 1300) ; B (Paris. 1675) belongs 
to the fifteenth century, and it has been argued that 
it has no independent value but is copied from a copy 
of E, with some attempts, which are not always very 
successful, to correct E's errors a ; but whatever its 
source, it cannot be ignored by an editor, since it 
contains many readings that are certainly correct. 
Apart from mistakes and corruptions, many of which 
have been corrected by the efforts of earlier editors, 
there are a number of lacunae indicated in the manu- 
scripts ; and except when these occur in quotations 
of Herodotus, restoration is mainly a matter of con- 
jecture. There are other lacunae which are not indi- 
cated in the manuscripts ; where these occur in 
quotations of Herodotus, their presence is indisputable 
and the cure is easy ; but there are other passages 
where an editor has to choose between postulating a 
lacuna, emending a word or two, or accepting a text 

a For this view see G. R. Manton," The Manuscript Tra- 
dition of Plutarch's Moralia 70-7," Class. Quart, xliii (1949), 
pp. 97-104 and R. Flaceliere, " La tradition manuscrite des 
trait&s 70-77 de Plutarque," Rev. fit. grecques, lxv (1952), 
pp. 351-362, and Plutarque, Dialogue sur V Amour (Paris, 
1953), pp. 34-38. For a contrary view see K. Hubert, Rhein. 
Mus. xciii (1950), pp. 330-336 and Gnomon, xxv (1953), pp. 
556-557. 

6 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS 

of doubtful meaning and questionable Greek. The 
translator has discussed a number of these passages 
in a separate article. a The text as here constituted 
is based on a collation of the two manuscripts in 
photostatic copies. 

The Aldine and Basle editions, of 1509 and 1542 
respectively, offer a number of readings which differ 
markedly from those of E and B (generally for the 
worse) and there is a good case for believing that one 
or both of these editions used some manuscript that 
is now lost for the text of the De Malignitate. A 
manuscript in Venice (Marc. Gr. 517), written in the 
hand of Georgius Gemistus Pletho about the year 
1440, contains among other extracts from Plutarch 
about a hundred lines of excerpts, partly paraphrased, 
from the De Malignitate. Aubrey Diller b has shown 
that Pletho had the opportunity to consult E, but the 
text does not in fact consistently follow either E or B 
and it offers a number of corrections which anticipate 
the work of later scholars ; and in one passage 
(861 b) it offers a markedly different new reading. 
Pletho's readings have been noted in the apparatus 
criticus of this edition where they differ from those 
of E or B. 

a Am. Journ. Phil, lxxx (1959), pp. 255-215. 
b Scriptorium, viii (1954), pp. 123-127 ; x (1956), pp. 
27-41. 



(854) IIEPI TH2 HPOAOTOY KAK0H6EIA2 

1. noAAous* (JL€V, J) 'AAe^avSpe, rod 'HpoSdrou 1 

/cat rj Aetjts cog dfeArjg /cat St^a ttovov /cat pahtcog 

€Trirp€)(ovoa toZs 7T pay fiao iv i^rjTrdrrjK€' rrAcioveg 

Se tovto irpos to rjOog clvtov 7T€Tr6v6aoiv . ov yap 

F liovov, cog (fyrjoLV 6 HAdrcov, rrjs ea^aT^s' dSt/cta? lit) 

OVTCL $OK€LV €LVCLL blKGUOV , aAAcC KOl KaKOTjdeLCLS 

aKpas epyov evKoAiav llillovll€vov koX dTrAorrjra 8vo- 
(/xjoparov 2 etvat. **# 3 pbdAtora rrpog re HotooTovg 

KCLI K.OpLv9iOVS K€XP 7 ] TCLl j^Sc TCOV d'AAcOV TLVOg 

dTT€oyy)LLivos , oliiai TTpoorjKtiv rjfuv* aLivvopLevoig 
virkp tcov irpoyovcov a/xa /cat rfjs dArjOeiag, kclt* 
avro 5 tovto ttjs ypa(f>rjg to Liepos- €77€t ra y* aAAa 
ifjevoLiOLTa /cat rrAdoLiaTa fiovAopLevoig €7re£teVat ttoA- 
Acov dv /?t/3Ata>v herjoeiev. aAAa 

Secvov to Tag Ueidovg TrpoarcoTTOv, 

1 noXXovs [i&v, a» 'A., rod 'Hpoborov L. P. : rod 'HpoSorov 
( acuna of 12 letters) noXXovs /xiv, <L 'A. Editors either ignore 

acuna or supply rod Xoyoypd(j>ov or rod tcrropi/cou, following 
Turnebus. 

2 8vG(f>a)parov E : hvo<j>opd>rarov B. 

3 Lacuna of about 160 letters in mss. Possible supplement : 
orrcp <£iAei 7tol€lv iv rols pidXiora 6 'H.p68oros, rots /xev aloxiorrj 
rfj KoXaKeiq x^P^o/jlcvos, rovs 8c 8ia/3aAAa)v /cat ov KO(j>avr uxv. vdv 
8' (Ls ovhcis r€r6XfjL7]K€v avrod rrjv iftevSoXoytav e£ eAey^etv, $ . . . 

4 Bernardakis would add eXeyx^tv, not necessary with pro- 
posed supplement. 

5 fear* auro B : Karavro E. 

8 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS 

1. Many people, my dear Alexander,* 1 have been 
deceived by the style of Herodotus, which is appar- 
ently so simple and effortless, slipping easily from one 
subject to another ; but more people still have suf- 
fered a similar delusion with regard to his moral 
character. Not only is it the height of injustice (as 
Plato puts it) " to seem just when one is not so," b but 
it is an act of supreme malice to put on a false show of 
good humour and frankness which baffles detection. 
And c this is exactly what Herodotus does, flattering 
some people in the basest possible manner, while he 
slanders and maligns others. Hitherto no one has 
dared to expose him as a liar. Since his principal 
victims are the Boeotians and the Corinthians, though 
he spares no one, I think it is proper that I should 
now stand up for the cause of my ancestors and the 
cause of truth and show how dishonest this part of his 
work is ; it would, of course, take many books if one 
wanted to describe all his other lies and fabrications. 
None the less 

Persuasion by her glance doth quell us, 

a Possibly, but not necessarily, the same as Alexander the 
Epicurean in Mor. 635 f. 

6 Plato, Republic, ii. 361 a. Cf. Mor. 613 f— 614 a. 

c The loss of several lines is indicated in the mss. at this 
point. The two sentences that follow are based on a con- 
jectural restoration (see critical note) ; but the general line 
of argument is clear. 

9 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

855 <hs <f)7]GLV 6 Ho</)OK\fjs, pbaXtara 8' orav iv Xoyco 
xdpw €X OVTL KaL ovvajjuv roaavrrjv iyyevrjraL rag 
T ctAAa? aroma? /cat to rjdos drroKp-uirreLV rod 
Gvyypa(f)€Cos. 6 fiev yap QiXittttos eXeye rrpos tovs 
d(j)iarap€vovs "EXXrjvas avrov /cat tco Tltoj irpoari- 
depievovs, on Xeiorepov p,ev pLaKporepov Se kXolov 
pLeraXapLpdvovoiv' rj §' 'HpoSorov KaKorjOeia Aeto- 
repa puev eanv d/ze'Aer /cat paXaKCorepa rfjs Qeo- 
7TopL7Tov, KadaTTrerai Se /cat Xviret pdXXov, woirep ol 
Kpv<f>a Std arevov Trapanveovres dW/zot rcov Sta- 
Kexvpevojv. 

Ao/cet Se 1 jitot fieXnov etvou tvttco nvl Xafiovras 

B ooa KOLvfj pirj Kadapas pL7]& evpevovs ianv dXXd 

kclkotjOovs olov lx vr ) KaL yvajptapara hir\yr]U€cos , 

els ravra rcov i^era^opLevajv eKaorov, av ivapporrrj, 

TcOeoOou . 

2. Upcorov piev ovv 6 rots Svox^peardrots dvo- 
pLaoL /cat prjpbaoiv, eTTieiKeorepcjov Trapovrojv , ev rep 
Xeyeiv rd Treirpayp^iva xpaj/zevo? (djcrnep el OeiaGpco 

7Tp0OK€LpL€V0V dyCLV ££6v €17T€LV TOV Nt/CtaV O Se 

deoXrjTTrov rrpoaeirroiy rj 6paovr7]ra /cat piaviav 

KAcojvos" /xaAAov fj Kov(f)oXoyiav) ovk evpLevrjs ionv, 

1 Se editors : S77. 

a J ebb-Pearson, Fragments of Sophocles, iii, fr. 865. 

6 Philip V of Macedon, from whom the Greek states were 
liberated by the Roman army of Titus Quinctius Flamininus 
(197 b.c). 

c Recalcitrant slaves, especially runaway slaves, were bur- 
dened with wooden or iron collars ; a pun is probably 
intended here ; the new collar would be longer-lasting, and 

10 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855 

as Sophocles says a ; and this is particularly true when 
a style so attractive and so effective enables a writer 
to conceal his moral character as well as the errors in 
his statements. Philip b used to tell the Greeks who 
were abandoning their allegiance to him and throw- 
ing in their lot with Titus Flamininus that they were 
merely accepting a new collar of servitude ; it might 
chafe less than the old one, but they would wear it 
longer. So the malice of Herodotus, no doubt, is of 
a smoother and softer variety than that of Theo- 
pompus, d but its effect is more penetrating and more 
painful — just as winds can create more discomfort by 
seeping through a narrow crack than when they 
spend their force out in the open. 

I think, however, that I had better make some kind 
of outline, and list, in general terms, the indications 
by which we can determine whether a narrative is 
written with malice or with honesty and goodwill ; then 
the individual passages examined can be classified 
under the different headings, if they fit the pattern. 

2. First, then, the man who in his narrative of 
events uses the severest words and phrases when 
gentler terms will serve ; if, for example, when he 
might have called Nicias " too much addicted to pious 
practices," he called him " a fanatical bigot " ; or if 
he spoke of Cleon's " rashness and insanity " instead 
of his " unwise speech " e — such a writer is clearly 

also longer, larger, and heavier. In Life of Flamininus, 
chap, x, this remark is attributed to the Aetolians. 

d Jacoby, Frag. Gr. Hist, ii b, no. 115, T. 25. This fourth- 
century historian was famous for his violent brand of char- 
acter-assassination. 

e The " gentler " terms are those of Thucydides (vii. 
50. 4 ; iv. 28. 5), who nevertheless speaks of Cleon making " a 
madman's promise " to take Sphacteria (iv. 39. 3). Cf. Life 
of Nicias, chap, vii and Mor. 169 a. 

11 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(855) aAA' olov dnoAavaiv rep "f* croc/xtis 1 ^ haqyelodai rod 
TTpaytiaros. 
C 3. Aevrepov, orcp kclkov irpoaeoTiv oXku>s rfj 8' 
laropia firj TrpoofJKov, 6 8k ovyypacfrevs im8pdr- 
t€tcli tovtov /cat TrapefjufidAAei tols TTpaypLaoiv 
ovSev Seopuevois, aAAa rrjv 8irjyr)oiv erre^dyajv /cat 

KVK\oVfJL€VOS, OTTCOS €fJL7T€ptXd^r] dTV^pid TWOS* Tj 

TTpd^iv outottov /cat ov xP r } (JT7 l v > StJAo? eoriv T)86- 
fievos rep KCLKoAoyelv. ' 66ev 6 QovkvSlStjs oi)8e rcov 
KAecovo? dfJbaprrjpLdrajv d(f>d6va>v ovrcov iTTotrjaaro 
aacf)7] 8irjyr)OLV, z 'YrrepPoAov re rod 8rjfjbaya)yov 

diyCJV ivl* ptjfJLOLTl KOL pLOxO^pOV dvdpCOTTOV 7TpOG€l- 

7T(hv d(f)i]K€. QcAiaros 5 8e /cat Alovvglov tcov rrpos 
rovs papfldpovs dSiKtebv ocrat [xtj GwerrAeKovTO tols 
D *EA\r]viKOLS TTpdypbaaiv dirdoas irapeAiirev at yap 
e/c/3oAat /cat Traparpo7Tal rr\s loropias jLtaAtara rot? 
fjivOois St'Sovrat /cat rats' a/^atoAoytats 1 , ert Se Trpos 
rovs eiralvovs* ' 6 8e 7Tapev6rjK7]v Xoyov to ftAoLcrcfyT]- 
fjLelv /cat ipeyeiv rroiovpLevos eotKev els rrjv rpayiK7]v 

1 rep ootjyws] rep gocJ)iotlkcos Post : rep <j>cos Aldine edition : 
7tcos tco Stephanus : aacfrtos rep Wyttenbach : rep aaef>eos Ber- 
nardakis. aoef>eos is clearly corrupt, but none of the emenda- 
tions is satisfactory. 

2 drvx^fioL rtvos] nvos aru^/na Benseler. 

3 S ir\yr\ oiv E : rrjv §07777 at v B. 

4 Biyeov ivl Xy lander : drjyeov eV E : diyeov iv B. 

5 OtAto-Tos Basel edition : OtAtWou. 

6 Something may be lost in the text here : Reiske suggests 
€loi ^p^crt/zot. 

a Text and precise meaning uncertain here. For similar 
but clearer language and possibly similar thought see Mot. 
630 f, where it is pointed out that when men describe their 
own successes or the failures of their enemies they seem, as 
it were, " to be experiencing the pleasure of the incident itself 

12 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855 

lacking in good will ; he is apparently deriving plea- 
sure out of another man's misfortune by making a 
clever story out of it. ( * 

3. Secondly, when something is discreditable to a 
character, but not relevant to the issue, and the 
historian grasps at it and thrusts it into his account 
where there is no place for it, drawing out his story 
and making a detour so as to include someone's ill- 
success or foolish unworthy act, there is no doubt 
that he delights in speaking ill of people. Thus 
Thucydides, even in writing about Cleon, never gave 
any specific account of his misdeeds, numerous though 
they were, and he was content with a single adjective 
to deal with Hyperbolus, the demagogue, calling him 
" a bad character " b and letting him go with that. 
Likewise Philistus c omitted all the crimes of Diony- 
sius against the barbarians which were not tied up 
with the story of Greek events. The fact is that the 
digressions and excursuses in his history d are mostly 
devoted to myths and tales of early times, or else to 
praise of his characters. The writer who inserts abuse 
and fault-finding parenthetically seems to be expos- 

as they talk." Post would translate rather, " they derive 
pleasure from the adventure in the telling," and the present 
passage with his emendation, " he seems to take pleasure in 
narrating the fact with sophistic colouring." 

6 Thucydides, viii. 73. 3. Plutarch's own language is not 
so restrained in Life of Nicias, chap. xi. 

c Jacoby, Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 556, T. 13 b. 

d Or " of history " in general. Jacoby evidently takes this 
to be the meaning, as he does not include this sentence in the 
Testimonium of Philistus. Plutarch might be thinking of the 
digressions in Thucydides devoted to mythology and early 
times, which include praise of Theseus (ii. 15. 2) and Themis- 
tocles (i. 138. 3) ; but Philistus is said to have modelled 
himself on Thucydides. 

13 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(855) ifJLTTL7TT€lV KCLTapCLV , 

Ovrjrcov €KXeya>v tols ovp,<f)opds. 

4. Kai p,rjv to y' avTioTpo(f)ov tovtoj ttclvtI SrjXov 
ojs kolAov tlvos KayaOov TrapaXeapis ioTiv, dvvrrev- 
dvvov Sokovv TTpdypia etvcu, yivopcevov 8e KaKorjOcos, 

E aV7T€p ifJL7TL7TT7} TO 7TapaXeL(f)0€V €LS T07TOV 7TpOOrj- 

kovtcl ttj loTopia' to yap diTpoOvpLOJS enaivelv tov 
xjjiyovTa yalpeiv ovk eTTieiKeoTepov, dXXd Trpos Tip 

pUT] €7TL€LK€OT€pOV 100)9 Kdl ^€C/>OV. 

5. TeTapTov toivvv TidepLcu arjpbeiov ovk evpuevovs 
iv loTopia TpoTTov to Svolv 1 rj TrXeiovcuv rrepl tclvtov 
Xoycov ovtojv T<h yelpovi TrpooTideodai. tols yap 
oocfriOTCus e^etrat Trpos ipyaauav r) §6£av eoTiv ot€ 
tcjv Xoyojv Koopi€LV tov TfTTovci 7rapaXapL^dvovTas' 
ov ydp epoTOLOvoL ttlgtiv lo*)(vpdv Trepl tov rrpdy- 

P pLCLTOS Ol)S y dpVOVVTCU TToXXaKLS €LS TO 7Tapd8o£oV 

zTTiyjcipeiv 1 VTrep tcjv dTTLOTOJV. 6 8' loTopiav ypd- 
<f)o>v a piev olSev dXr)6rj Xeyojv* Sikcllos icrTi, tcov 8' 
d8rjXojv tol jSeAriWa SoKeiv dXrjQtJos Xeyeodat pbdXXov 
77 ra x e tp° va - ttoXXol 8' oXojs tol ^etpova rrapaXei- 
TTovoiv ojorrep d/xe'Aei rrepl QepuoTOKXeovs "Efiopos 
piev, €L7rd>v otl TTjv Havoaviov irpohooLav eyvuf Kal 
tol 7rpaao6pL€va 7rpos tovs paaiXecos crTpaTyyovs, 

aAA OVK €7T€LOU7), (pTfOLV y OVO€ 7TpOO€0€$aTO 

KOLVOVpL€VOV Kal irapaKaXovvTOS avTov em tols 5 

1 bvolv] Svelv Bernardakis. 

2 imxtLpew Stephanus : eTrtxaijoeiv. 

3 Xiyoyv Reiske : Xiyeiv. 

4 eyva) Wyttenbach : aviyvu). 

5 ra$] ras avrds Reiske. 

14 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855 

ing himself to the curse of the tragedy, 

Be damned, compiler of men's miseries. a 

4. The reverse of this behaviour, as anyone can see, 
is the omission of what is good and creditable ; such 
behaviour may seem immune from criticism, but it is 
prompted by malice if the omitted material has a 
proper place in the narrative. In fact, to begrudge 
praise is no less unfair than to take delight in cen- 
sure ; and one might add that it is really more objec- 
tionable. 

5. My fourth sign of ill will in history- writing is a 
preference for the less creditable version, when two 
or more accounts of the same incident are current. 
Sophists are permitted, on occasion, to adopt the 
worse cause and make the best of it ; but this is for 
practice or display ; they are not really inducing any 
firm belief in their cause and they may even admit 
that they are trying to startle people by a defence 
of the incredible. The historian, on the other hand, 
if he is to be fair, declares as true what he knows 
to be the case and, when the facts are not clear, 
says that the more creditable appears to be the true 
account rather than the less creditable. 5 Many omit 
the less creditable version altogether. For example, 
Ephorus c in writing about Themistocles says that he 
knew of the treachery of Pausanias and his negotia- 
tions with the king's generals ; " but," he says, 
" when Pausanias told him about it and invited him 
to share in the expected rewards, he was not per- 

° Nauck, Trag. Oraec. Frag. 2 p. 913. Cf. Mor. 520 b. 

b This is in sharp contrast with the expressed view of Hero- 
dotus : " I am obliged to set down what is recorded, but not 
to believe in it absolutely " (vii. 152. 3, cf. ii. 123. 1). 

c Jacoby, Frag. Gr. Hist, ii a, no. 70, F. 189. 

15 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(855) 6A'7^'8as ,,, • QovkvSLStjs Se Kal to TTapdrrav tov X6- 
yov tovtov chs KareyvojKajg rraprJKev. 

6. "En 1 toLvvv in! tcx)v ofioXoyovpuevajv 7T€TTpa- 
X® al > T"Y] V S* air Lav d</>' rjs TTerrpaKTai Kal rrjv Sid- 
voiav zypvTOJv dorjXov, 6 7rpos to x € W ov € LKa^a)v 
SvafjLevrjS iorTL Kal KaKorjOrjs' tbonep ol kojjjukoI 

856 tov TToXejjiov vtto tov HepiKXeovs eKKeKavodat St 5 
'AonaaLav rj old QeiSlav a7TO(f)aLvovT€s , ov <J>lXo- 
TtfiLq tlvl Kal <f)iXoveiKla [i&XXov GTOpeaai 2 to 
(f)povrjfjia YleXoTTovvrfuLajv Kal firjSevos v(/)€lo6 at 
AaKeoaijJLovLois 3 ideXrjoavTOS. el fiev yap tis* 
evSoKtfiovGiv epyois Kal npay\xaaiv eiraivovfAevois 
ahrLav cfravXrjv vttotLOtjgl Kal /caraycTCU rats' Sta- 
fioXats els viToipLas aToirovs rrepl ttjs ev a<f>aveZ 
Trpoaipeoeojs tov 7Tpd£avTos, avTO 5 to TreTTpay\xevov 
ipLcfravcos ov owdfievos xjjeyeiv (coGTrep ol tov vtto 
©tjfirjs 6 'AXetjdvSpov tov Tvpdvvov (f)6vov ov fieya- 
Xovotas ov8e fjucroirovrjplas, ^rjXov Se tlvos epyov 
B Kal TrdOovs yvvaiKelov TtdepLevot' Kal Karouva Ae'- 
yovTes iavTov aveAeu> heloavTa tov \ieT cu /acts' 
OdvaTov vtto Kataapo?), evSrjXov otl (j>dovov Kal 
KaKorjOelas VTrepfioXrjv ov XeXoiTre. 

7. Ae^erai Se 7 Kal 7rapd tov Tpoirov tov epyov 
Strfyrjois loTopiKT) KaKorjOeiav, av xprjfiaoL <f)dcrKr) 

1 €Tt Wyttenbach : el. 

2 oropioai Turnebus : laroprjaaL : els to prj£ai Stephanus. 

3 KaKehaifxoviois Madvig : AaKebatfiovtajv. 

4 tls Wyttenbach : rot?. 

6 avro Reiske : avrov. 

6 QtjPtis Xylander : Qrjpas. 7 Se] omitted in B. 

a For the methods of Herodotus in assigning intentions 
and motives see L. Pearson, Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc, lxxii 
(1941), pp. 348-355. 

16 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, S55-S56 

suaded to accept the offer. " Thucydides, on the other 
hand, has tacitly condemned the story by leaving it 
out altogether. 

6. Again, when there is agreement about what was 
actually done but the cause and intention of the deed 
are in doubt, a the writer who tends towards the less 
creditable explanation is uncharitable and malicious 
— like the comic poets who represented the spark of 
war as set off by Pericles on account of Aspasia or 
Pheidias, & not because of a contentious ambition to 
check Peloponnesian arrogance and because he was 
unwilling to make any concessions to the Spartans. 
It may happen that a writer invents a discreditable 
reason for worthy deeds and actions which have won 
the praise of the world, and that his slanderous fabri- 
cations lead him on to unworthy suspicions concern- 
ing the secret purpose of the doer, though he cannot 
openly find fault with what was actually done — as 
with the writers who claim that the assassination of 
the tyrant Alexander by Thebe c was not prompted 
by a noble spirit and a hatred of evil, but was an act 
of jealousy and womanly passion, and those who say 
that Cato committed suicide because he feared the 
horrible death which Caesar planned for him d ; envy 
and malice can certainly go no further than this. 

7. f Furthermore, with respect to the way in which 
a deed is accomplished, a historian's narrative is open 
to the charge of malice if it asserts that the success 

6 Cf Life of Pericles, chaps, xxiv, xxx-xxxii (where he does 
not specifically refute the charges). 

c Alexander of Pherae, killed by his wife Thebe in 359 b.c. 
Cf. Life of Pelopidas, chaps, xxviii, xxxv, and Mor. 256 a, 
and for a different version Mor. 768 f. 

d Plutarch himself thinks that Caesar would have spared 
Cato (Life of Cato, chap, lxxii). 

17 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(856) firj St' dperrjs Kareipyaodai rrjv irpa^iv y cos QiXitt- 

7TOV kvLOL (f)doKOVOLV OLV OVV OvScvl 7TOVC0 Kdl 

paStcoSy cos 'AAe^avS/oov dv fxrj <f)povipicos aAA' 
zvtvx&s, cos Tifjiodeov ol exOpol, ypa^ovres iv 1 
TTiva^LV els Kvprov tlvol ras iroXeis avrds, eKelvov 
KdOevSovros, VTroSvofJLevas. SrjXov yap otl tcov 
C 7Tpd^€oov iXarrovai to fxeyeOos /cat to KaXXos ol to 
yevvaicos /cat <J)lXo7tovcos /cat /ca/r 5 dpeTTjv /cat St' 

aVTOOV d(f)OUpOVVT€S . 

8, "EaTt 2 Toivvv toIs aV evOeias ovs 3 /JouAovrat 
kclkoos Xeyovot SvoKoXiav imKaXelv /cat OpaovTrjTa 
/cat fiavlav, idv pur) pbeTptd^oooLV ol Se TrXayicos olov 
i£ dcf>avovs jSeAcat ^pw/xevot rat? SiapoXals, etra 

7T€pUOVT€S OTTLOCO Kol dvaSvOfJieVOL, TOO <f)doK€LV dm- 

OTelv a Trdvv TTioTeveodai OeXovow, dpvovpbevoc 
KCLKoiqOziav dveXevdeplav ttj KaKorjOela 7rpooo<f)Xi- 
GKavovocv . 

9. 'Eyyvs Se tovtcov elolv ol tols i/joyocs eVat- 

VOVS TLVaS 7TOLpaTl6eVT€S, COS €77t HcOKpaTOVS 'Apt- 

v GTO^evos, aTTatSevTOV /cat djiadrj /cat a/coAaorov 
eiTTcbv, enrjVtyKev " aSt/aa S' ov irpooi\v! > cooTrep 
yap ol ovv tlvl t€X v V /cat SetvoV^Tt KoXaKevovTes 
€gtlv ot€ ttoXXoXs /cat /xa/cpots' irraLVois ifjoyovs 
TTapapuyvvovoiv iXa<j>povs, olov TJSvojJLa ttj /coAa/cet'a 

1 iv (or €7rt) added by Reiske, not in mss. 
2 IcTTt Meziriacus : ert. 3 ovs Meziriacus : ov. 

a Cf. Mor. 187 b-c and, for slightly different detail, Life of 
Sulla, chap. vi. Timotheus played a vigorous part in the 

18 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856 

was won not by valour but by money (as some say of 
Philip), or easily and without any trouble (as they 
say of Alexander), or not by intelligence but by good 
luck:(as the enemies of Timotheus claimed, when they 
painted pictures showing the cities entering of their 
own accord into a kind of lobster-trap while Timo- 
theus slept). a It is evident that writers detract from 
the greatness and virtue of deeds when they deny 
that they were done in a noble spirit or by hard work 
or by valour or by a man's own effort. 

8. Now men who openly abuse the persons whom 
they want to attack can be charged with ill-temper 
and lack of restraint, and lack of sanity if they go 
beyond reasonable bounds ; but if they do it in- 
directly, if they shoot their slanderous shafts from 
under cover, as it were, and then turn round and 
withdraw from the fight by saying that they do not 
believe the charges which they certainly want other 
people to believe, 6 by their denial of malicious intent 
they show themselves guilty of a mean spirit as well 
as a malicious one. 

9. Similar to these writers are those who qualify 
their fault-finding with some expressions of praise, as 
Aristoxenus c did in his verdict on Socrates, calling 
him an uneducated, ignorant sensualist, and adding 
" but there was no real harm in him." Just as men 
who flatter with some degree of skill and finesse some- 
times mingle expressions of gentle criticism with their 
catalogue of praises, introducing the element of frank- 
Athenian resurgence of the fourth century, which led to the 
formation of the Second Athenian Confederacy. 

5 Plutarch is thinking in particular of Herodotus, viii. 94, 
the story that the Corinthian admiral took flight at Salamis. 
Cf. below, 870 b-d. 

c F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, ii, frag. 55, 

19 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(856) rrjv Trapprfoiav e/jLftdXXovres, ovrco to KdKorjdes els 
TTiGTiv &v ifjeyei TrpovTroriderai} rov eVatvov. 

10. 'Hv Se koX irXeiovas Karapid fieled at rtov x a " 
paKTrjpojv dpKovGL 8' ovtol KaravorjGLV rdvOpa)- 
ttov rr)s Trpoaipeaetos kcli tov rpoirov Trapaoyeiv . 

11. IIpcoTa or] Trdvrcov a)07T€p d$ iartag dp£d- 
fievos 'Ious rrjs 'Iva^ou Ovyovrpos, r)v irdvres "EAA77- 

E ves eKTedeiiJood ai voj^l^ovol rals rivals vtto tojv 
fiappapoDv koll KaraXiTretv ovofia ttoXXclls puev 6a- 
Xdrrais, rropOpbcov Se rots' {xeyioTOLS d(/>' avrrjs Sta 
rrjv 86£av, dpxrjv Se kcll Trrjyrjv rcov iTTL^aveordrajv 
kolI fiaoiXiKCOTdrcDV yevtov TrapaayjExv ravrrfv 6 yev- 
vaios emhovvai <f>rjoLV eavrrjv ^olvl^l (f)opTrjyols, 
vtto tov vavKXrjpov SiacfyOapelcrav eKovcrtCDg kolI 
(f)o^ovfJi€vrjv fir) kvovocl <j>avepd yevrjrat. koX koltcl- 
ipevSerai Qoivlkojv co? ravra rrepl avrfjs 2 Xeyovnov. 
Hepawv Se tovs Xoyiovs 3 fiaprvpeuv <f>r)oas, on rr)v 
'low 4 fier d'AAcov yvvaiK&v ol OoiVt/ces 1 dcfxipTrd- 

F oreiav, evdvs aTTO^aiverai yvcofMrjv to KaXXicrrov 
k'pyov koX fieyiorov rr)s 'EAAaSo? d/JeAre/Ha 5 rov 
TpcoLKov TToXepbov yeveoQai Std yvvaiKa (fravXrjv. 
" SrjXov ydp," (f>r]oiv, " on, el fir) avrai* efiovXovro , 

1 TTpovTToriderai Abresch : TTpoaTroriderai. 

2 avTrjs E : avrrjv B. 

3 Xoylovs Wyttenbach : \6yovs* 

4 rrjv 'Iow> Stephanus : lacuna of 8 letters in mss. 

5 afith-epia Bernardakis : afitfo-iqpiq (so also in 859 d). 

6 avrai Emperius : avrai. 

a Cf. Plutarch, Quomodo Adul. ab Amico Internosc, esp. 

51 C-D. 

20 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856 

ness as a sort of seasoning to their flattery , a so malice 
offers some preliminary praise to make its accusations 
seem convincing. 

10. One might enumerate more characteristics of 
this kind ; but these are enough to convey an idea of 
the man's purpose and method. 

11. At the very beginning, then, starting from his 
own hearth, as it were, with Io the daughter of 
Inachus, whom all Greeks suppose to have received 
divine honours at the hands of the barbarians b and 
to have won such fame that many seas and the most 
famous straits were named after her c and to be the 
source from which the most notable royal families 
sprang d — our worthy Herodotus e says that she 
handed herself over to some Phoenician traders after 
she had let herself be seduced by the skipper, because 
she was pregnant and was afraid of being discovered ; 
and he falsely represents the Phoenicians as telling this 
tale about her. And after naming the learned men 
among the Persians as witnesses for the story that the 
Phoenicians carried off Io together with some other 
women, he goes right on to say that the greatest and 
noblest exploit of Hellas, the Trojan War, was in his 
opinion an act of folly, entered upon for the sake of a 
worthless woman ; " for it is clear," he says, " that 
they would not have been carried off unless they them- 

& Asa cow-goddess Io was commonly identified with Isis, 
especially since her wanderings ended in Egypt. 

c The Ionian Sea to the West of Greece and the Bosporus 
or " Cow-ford," whether the Cimmerian or the Thracian, 
were supposed to be named after Io, because she passed that 
way on her wanderings when transformed into a cow. Cf. 
Aeschylus, Prometheus, 732-734, 839-841 ; Apollodorus, The 
Library, ii. 1. 3. 

d The kings of Egypt and Argos (Aesch. Prom. 853-869 ; 
Apollodorus, ii. 1.4). e i. 5. 2-3. 

21 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(856) ovk av r^pTrdt^ovTo!' Kal tovs Oeovs tolvvv d/Je'A- 
repa iroieiv Xeyajpiev, 1 virep rcov AevKrpov 2 dvya- 
repojv piacrOeiacov fJLrjviovras AaKeoaifJioviois Kal 
KoXa^ovras AiavTCL Std rrjv KacrdVSpas > vfipiv SrjXa 
yap Srj kolO* f HpoSorov on, el piT) avral* efSovXovro / 
ovk av vftpll^ovTO. KairoL Kal * ApiOTOjievrf <j>r)olv 
avros vtto AaKeSaifjiovLOJv £aWa ovvapTTao6r\vai y 
Kal OiXoTTOi/Jirjv vorepov 6 ra>v 'A^aioov orparrfyos 
857 ravro tovt €7ra0€ y '/cat 'PrjyovXov ixecpwoavro 
Kap^SoVtot rov 6 *V(x)i±aia)v vrrarov cbv epyov 
evpelv pLax^coTepovs Kal TToXe/jLtKOjrepovg avSpas. 
dXXa davfjbd^eiv ovk a£iov, ottov Kal TrapSdAeis 
t,woas Kal riypeis ovvapird^ovoiv avdpojTror c Hpd- 
horos Se Karrfyopel rwv piaoOetotov yvvaiKcbv ', 
a7ToXoyov[JL€vos V7T€p rtov dprraodvrajv . 

12. Ovtoj Se <j)iXof5apf$apos icrrtv, wore Jiovotpiv 
aTToXvoas rfjs XeyofJbevrjs dv8 pajirodvaias Kal t;evo- 
KTOViaSy Kal rraoiv AlyvTTriois ocriorrjra 7 7toXXtjv 

1 Xeyco/xev Stephanus : Xeyoficv (o is a mere smudge in E). 

2 AevKrpov] AevKrplov suggested by Bernardakis, S/ccSacrou 
added by Xylander. 3 avral Emperius : avrai. 

4 ipovXovTo Basel edition, Emperius : tfiovXevovro E : ifiov- 
Aearo B. 

5 'ApLOToixevrj Basel edition, Turnebus : ' KpioToyiv-q. 

6 rov Reiske : rtov. 7 oaiOTTjra Cobet : deioT^ra. 

° i. 4. 2. Herodotus offers this verdict as the opinion of the 
Persians, not as his own. 

b The story was that some girls of Leuctra were raped by 
some Spartan envoys and killed themselves ; and the Spartan 
defeat at Leuctra, where their tomb was shown, was said to 
be the result of divine anger. Plutarch in Mot. 773 b — 
774 d calls them daughters of Scedasus (cf. Life ofPelopidas, 
chap, xx, Pausanias, ix. 13. 5-6), but Diodorus, xv. 54, says 
" daughters of Scedasus and Leuctrus." See also Xenophon, 
Hell. vi. 4. 7. 

22 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856-857 

selves had wanted it." a Let us say, then, that the 
gods commit folly when they are angry with the Spar- 
tans because of the rape of the daughters of Leuctrus b 
and when they punish Ajax for outraging Cassandra, 
because, by Herodotean standards, it is clear that 
if they had not themselves wanted it they would not 
have been outraged.' ' Yet he says himself that 
Aristomenes was carried off alive by the Spartans, 
and in later days the Achaean general Philopoemen 
suffered the same fate d and the Roman consul 
Regulus was captured by the Carthaginians e ; and 
it would be hard to find more valiant warriors than 
these men. Nor need we be surprised at such things, 
since even leopards and tigers are carried off alive by 
men ; but Herodotus makes these outraged women 
the object of an accusation and pleads in defence of 
the men who carried them off/ 

12. He is also such a pro-barbarian that he acquits 
Busiris of the charge of human sacrifice and murder 
of strangers. g He bears witness to the strict piety 
and justice of all Egyptians h and turns this charge of 

c A false quotation. Aristomenes, heroic leader of the 
Messenians in the struggle with Sparta, is not mentioned by 
Herodotus ; the story of his capture (on three separate occa- 
sions) is found only in later writers. Cf. Polyaenus, 
Strategemata, ii. 31, Pausanias, iv. 17. 1 and 18. 4. 

d Life of Philopoemen , chap, xviii. 

e In the First Punic War. 

/ No one claimed that Helen was " outraged " or followed 
Paris to Troy against her will. Plutarch, in the heat of 
argument, appears to forget this. 

9 The story was that the Egyptians tried to sacrifice 
Heracles but he turned on his captors and slew them (cf the 
famous vase painting in Vienna, Pfuhl-Beazley, Masterpieces 
of Greek Drawing and Painting, no. 7). Herodotus, ii. 45, 
rejects the tale as showing ignorance of Egyptian customs (he 
does not mention Busiris by name). h e.g. ii. 37. 1. 

23 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(857) koX SiKcuoavvrjv fiapTvprjaas, e<£' "FiAArjvas dvaoTpe- 

<f)€l TO (JLVGOS 1 TOVTO KCLl T7JV jJUCLLcfxDVLaV . €V yap TTj 

B Sevrepa jSt)SAa) Meve'AaoV (f>rjcri irapa Upcoreajs 
a7ToAafiovTa rrjv 'EAcV^v Kdl TLjJLrjOevra Scopecus 
pLeydAcLLS dStKcorarov dvOpojirajv yeveodai /cat Aca- 
kiotov vtto yap drrXoias avvexofievov " eTTiTexvr)- 
aaadat Tcpaypua ovx ocriov, kcll Aafiovra 8vo TraiSla 
dv8pa>v imxojpiayv evrofid acfrea 2 TrotrjoraL' paoy]- 

OeVTCL S' €776 TOVTtp KoX StaJKOfJieVOV OLX^CrOaL (f)€V- 
yOVTCL TTJOi V7]Valv 3 €771 AlfivriS." TOVTOV Se TOV 
X6yOV OVK OtS' OGTLS AlyVTTTLOJV etprjKev dXXd 
TavavTia ttoXXoX pcev 'EAeVqs' 77oAAat Se MeveXdov 
TLfjial SiatfivXaTTOVTOLL Trap* avTols. 

13. '0 Se ovyypa<j>evs impievcov Tlepaas \xev (f>r]OL 
C 77aiat 4 pLiayeadaL 5 Trap* 'EAAt^vcdv fiadovTas . kolitoi 
770)9 "EAAr^at Yiepoai SiSacrKaAia TavTrjs 6(f>eiXovai 
ttjs aKoXaaias, Trap" ols oXiyov 8elv vtto TrdvTOJV 
ofioXoyeLTOLL* ttcuSols €KT€T firj ad at, rrplv 'ILXXrjviKrjv 
l$€lv OdXaooav ; "TtLXXrjvas Se jxaSelv Trap* Alyv- 
7TTLOJV TToiAirds koI TTavr)yvp€is , koX TO tovs? 8a)8eKa 
Oeovs crefieoOaL' Acovvaov Se kcll Tovvofxa Trap 
AlyVTTTLOJV MeAa/z77oSa piadeZv Kal StSa^ai tovs 
dXXovs "EXXrjvas ' \ivoTr\pia Se koX ras* 7rept Arj- 
firjTpa 8 reAera? vtto twv Aavaov 6vyaT€pa>v i£ 

1 /JLVGOS B : [XLGOS E. 

2 cVro/ita a<f)€a Wesseling (as in Herodotus) : ivro/ias . . . 
(lacuna of 5 letters). 

3 rfjai v-qvolv L. P. (as in Herodotus) : vqvolv Bernardakis : 
viqvolv 7]€iv E : vrjvolv fflv B. 

4 natal supplied in Basel edition : omitted in mss. 

5 fitay eaOat B : (jttyeaOat E. 

6 ofioXoyetrat Stephanus : 6 jjLoXoyeiaO at. 

24 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857 

abominable butchery back against the Greeks. His 
story, in his second book, a is that 'Menelaus after 
recovering Helen from Proteus and being honoured 
with rich presents behaved like the most shocking 
criminal ; prevented from sailing by bad weather, 
" he devised an unholy deed, seizing two boys from 
the native population and cutting them up as sacri- 
ficial victims ; this roused a storm of hatred against 
him and he escaped his pursuers by sailing away 
towards Libya." I do not know what Egyptian may 
have told this story ; but it is contradicted by the 
numerous honours still paid both to Helen and to 
Menelaus in Egypt. b 

13. But the historian sticks to his theme. He says 
that the Persians learnt the practice of paederasty 
from the Greeks. 6 Yet how is it possible that the 
Persians owe their lessons in this sensual practice to 
the Greeks, when almost everyone admits that they 
had practised the castration of boys before they ever 
saw the Greek sea ? He says that the Greeks learnt 
about processions and national festivals from the 
Egyptians, as well as the worship of the twelve 
gods d ; the very name of Dionysus, he says, was 
learnt from the Egyptians by Melampus, and he 
taught the rest of the Greeks e ; and the mysteries 
and secret rituals connected with Demeter were 
brought from Egypt by the daughters of Danaiis/ 

a ii. 119. He says it is the story told him by the Egyptian 
priests (120. 1). 

6 There is in fact no evidence that they were honoured by 
Egyptians. c i. 135. 

d ii. 4. 2 ; 58. • ii. 49. 1. ' ii. 171. 2-3. 

7 to rovs Kronenberg : rovs Reiske : rovrovs tovs Ber- 
nardakis : rovrovs. 

8 ArifjLTjrpa Bernardakis : Arjfnjrpav (c/. Mor. 367 c). 

25 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(857) Alyvirrov Ko/JLiaOfjvai. /cat rvTrreodai [lev Alyv- 
7ttlovs <f>rjol /cat tt€v0€lv, ov Se Oeov 1 ov j8oi;Aecr#at 
D avros 2 ovofid^etv, aAA' evGrofxcos* Keladai rrepl tcov 
Oeicov. c H/>a/cAea Se /cat Alovvgov ovs fiev Alyv- 
TTTioi ae^ovrat, 7raXaiovs dirocftaivcov ovras Oeovs, 
ovs "EAA^ve? Se, dvOpcorrovs 4 ' KarayeyrjpaKoras, 
ovSapLov ravrrjv irpovOero rrjv evXafietav. /catVot 
/cat tov AlyvTmov 'Hpa/cAe'a tcov oevrepcov decov 
yeveadai Ae'yet /cat t6v Alovvgov tcov rpLTtov, cos 

Q-PXW iGXTjKOTCLS y€V€G€LOS KOI OVK OVTOLS dtOLOVS' 
aAA' OfJLLOS €K€LVOVS fJL€V OL7TO(f)aiV€L OeOVS, TOVTOIS 8' 

cos <f)diToZs koX TJpcoGLV evayt£etv oterat Setv 5 aAAa 

fXTf 9v€LV COS Qtols. TOLVTa KCxl 7T€pl TldVOS €iprjK€ y 

E rats' AlyvTTTtcov dXa^oveiais /cat fivdoXoyiais ra 
Gepuvorara /cat dyvorara tcov 'JLXXrjviKcov lepcov 
dvarpencov. 

14. Kat ov rovro 6 Setvov dXX dvayaycov els 
UepGea to c HpaKXeovs yevos Ilepaea fiev 'Acrcru- 
piov yeyovevcu Ae'yet Kara tov UepGCov Xoyov " ol 
Se Acopcecov," (frrjoLV, " rjyepLoves c\>aivoiVT av At- 

1 ov Se Oeov (or ov Se) L. P. (cf. Herodotus, ii. 61 tov Se 
rvirrovrai) : ovs Se Reiske : rivas Se Duebner : Sid ri Se Tur- 
nebus : lacuna of 5-8 letters at end of line in mss. 

2 avros Reiske : avrovs. 

3 evcrro jjlojs] evorofxd ol Madvig. 

4 ovs {JLev AlyviTTioi cepovrai, 7ra\aiovs diro^aivojv ovras 9eovs, 
ovs "EWrjves Se, dv9pa>7rovs Madvig {rraXaiovs added by L. P.) : 
ovs pev AlyviTTioi oefiovrai a7ro<f)aiv6fjL€vos Seovs, ovs Se "FiXXrjves 
dvdpo)TTOVs Reiske : ov fiev Alyv7rrioi, aTTO(j>aiva)v ovras deovs, ov 
S* "EXXqves, dv6pa)7Tovs Bernardakis : ovs fiev Alyvirrioi dixo- 
<f>aivovrai deovs, "TZXArjves Se dvdpa)7T0vs. 

5 oterat Selv E : 8c iv olerai B. 

6 rovro] rovro ttoj Bernardakis. 

ii. 61. 1 : cf. 171. 2. 
26 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857 

He says that the Egyptians beat their breasts and 
lament, but that he will not actually name the god 
for whom they mourn because " he will not break 
silence in holy matters. " a Nevertheless in his treat- 
ment of Heracles and Dionysus he never showed any 
such reserve. He represents the Heracles and 
Dionysus whom the Egyptians worship as ancient 
gods, but those worshipped by the Greeks as men 
who grew old as men. & He does say, however, that 
the Egyptian Heracles was one of the second group 
of gods and Dionysus one of the third, so that they 
had a beginning to their existence and had not 
existed eternally c ; but even so he represents them 
as gods, while to the others he thinks it proper to 
" make offerings " as to heroized mortal men but not 
to " make sacrifice " as to gods. d He has said the 
same thing about Pan also, using worthless Egyptian 
stories to overthrow the most solemn and sacred 
truths of Greek religion. e 

14. Nor is this the worst. He traces the ancestry 
of Heracles to Perseus and says that Perseus, accord- 
ing to the Persian account, was an Assyrian ; " and 
the chiefs of the Dorians,'' he says, " would be estab- 

b The precise Greek text is uncertain, but the argument is 
clear. Herodotus could not accept the identity of the 
Egyptian Heracles and Dionysus with the Greek gods of this 
name, because they were said to be " ancient gods " who 
existed many thousand years before the dates generally 
accepted for the birth of their Greek counterparts (ii. 43-44, 
145). Since Heracles was supposed to have been born and to 
have grown old as a man in Greece, Herodotus suggested 
that he and Dionysus might have been men who took the 
names of the old Egyptian gods (ii. 146). To Plutarch this 
argument seems impious. 

c ii. 43 ; 145-146. d ii. 44. 5. 

* ii. 46. 1 ; 145. 1 (not exactly as Plutarch reports). 

27 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(857) yvrrrioi Idayevees eovres, KaraXeyovri 1 rovs dva> 
Aavary? /cat * AKpioLov 2 rrarepas." rov yap ,; E7ra- 

<f)OV KOLl TTjV 'Icib KOLL TOV "IcLGOV Kdi TOV "ApyOV* 

oXcos d(f)rJK€, (^LXoTLpbovfJievos JJL7] [jlovov dXXovs 

'Hpa/cAefe Alyvrrriovs koX <t>oiviKas dirocfraLveiv , 

dXXa KoX rovroVy ov avros rpirov yeyovevai cf)rjGLV y 

F els fiapfidpovs drro^evcoaat rrjs 'EAAaSos. kclvtoi 

TtOV 7T(x\ai<JL)V KOL XoylcOV dvopWV OVX "OfJLTjpOS oi>x 

'Haiooos ovk 'Ap^cAo^os 1 ov HelaavSpos ov Hrr)- 
oixppos ovk 'AAac^cxv ov HcvSapos Alyvrrriov <Loyp v 
Aoyov 4 f HpaKXeovs fj Qolvlkos, aAA' eva rovrov 
loaai rrdvres 'H/xx/cAea rov Boicoriov ofiov kcll 
*Apyelov. 

15. Kai pirjv ra>v errra oocfrwv, ovs avros conc- 
ords Trpooelne, rov {lev QdXr]ra OoiViKa rep yevei 
ro dveKadev a7Tocf)atverai fidpfiapov rols 8e Oeols 

XoL§OpOVfJL€VOS €V TW H6X(DVOS 7TpOOa)7T€LCp 5 TaUT"' 

eiprjKev " d> Kpoicre, emord\xevov pue ro delov rrav 
858 eov <f)9ovep6v re Kal rapaxcooes eneipujrqs dvOpaj- 
tttjlojv 7Tpaypidra)v rrepi " 6 - a yap avros ecftpovet 
rrepl rcov Oecov rep IjoXojvi TTpoorpifiopievos KaKor]- 
deiav rfj fiXaotf>rnJLiq 7TpoorldrjGi. UtrraKco roivvv 

1 KaraX4yovTL Meziriacus (as in Herodotus, vi. 53) : kcltcl- 
Aeyovres. 

2 dva> Aavdrjs Kal J AKpioiov] dvco drro ^avdr]s ryjs 'A. Meziri- 
acus (cf. Herodotus). 

3 rov "Apyov B : to "Apyos E. 

4 eo^ov X6yov\ Xoyov ecr\w Benseler. 

5 7TpOCrOJ7T€Lio] TTpOOWTTO) Cobet. 

6 TTpaytidrcov uipi L. P. (as in Herodotus, i. 32) : iripi irpay- 
fxdrojv B : irpdyfiaTa E. 

a vi. 53-54. 

28 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857-858 

lished as pure-blooded Egyptians, if we counted their 
ancestry back beyond Danae and Acrisius." a The 
fact is that he has completely abandoned Epaphus 
and Io and Iasus and Argus b ; not only is he anxious 
to establish an Egyptian and a Phoenician Heracles ; 
he says that our own Heracles was born after the 
other two, and he wants to remove him from Greece 
and make a foreigner out of him. Yet of the learned 
men of old neither Homer nor Hesiod nor Archilochus 
nor Peisander nor Stesichorus nor Alcman nor Pindar 
ever mentioned an Egyptian or a Phoenician Heracles, 
but all of them know only one, our own Heracles who 
is both Boeotian and Argive. 

15. Then again among the Seven Sages (whom he 
calls " sophists ") G he represents Thales as a Phoeni- 
cian by origin, of barbarian descent. d He has used 
Solon as a mouthpiece to revile the gods when he 
makes him say : " Croesus, when you question me 
about affairs of men, you are questioning a man who 
knows how utterly envious the divine nature is and 
how ready to confound us." e By thrusting upon 
Solon his own ideas about the gods he is combining 
blasphemy with malice/ He cites Pittacus for minor 

b Danatis, the " Egyptian " great-grandfather of Acrisius, 
is a Greek if descended from Epaphus, son of Io ; Iasus and 
Argus, according to one version, were father and grandfather 
of io. 

c The word " sophist " in early Greek writers simply 
means " wise man " {cf. Herodotus, i. 29 with the note of 
Legrand, Bude edition) and Plutarch must have known this. 
Cf. Mot. 478 c with Helmbold's note in L.C.L., vol. vi. 

d i. 170. 3. According to the account in Diogenes Laertius 
i. 22 he was Phoenician because descended from Cadmus. 

e i. 32. 1. 

/ In fact Solon's attitude towards the gods is not unusual 
and appears constantly in Greek literature. 

29 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(858) €ts fiLKpa Kal ovk d£ia Xoyov xP 7 ] G ^ L l jL€V0? > ° fieyi- 
gtov ear i tcov TrerrpaypLevajv rdvSpl Kal koXKmjtov , 
iv rals TTpd^eaL yevoptevos / TraprJKe. TroXepLovvTWV 
yap W8rjvala)v Kal yivTiXrjvalajv 2 rrepl Htyelov Kal 
<£>pvva)vo$ tov OTparrjyov tcov ' A9r)vala)v TrpoKaXe- 
aapevov 2 tov fiovXopevov els /xovo/xa^tav, aTT7]vrq- 
B oev 6 Hi-raKos Kal olktvco Trept^aXcbv* rov avopa 
pajpiaXeov ovra Kal pCeyav airtKTeive' tu>v oe Murt- 
Xrjvalajv Scoped? aura) pieydXas ol86vto)v, aKovriaas 

TO 86pV TOVTO pLOVOV TO ^CUpiOV rj^LO)G€V OGOV 

eWcr^ev rj alxprj' Kal KaXetTac /xe^pt vvv Hittol- 

K6LOV. 5 TL OVV 6 '\lp68oTOS, KaTOL TOV T07T0V y€VO- 

pievos tovtov; olvtI ttjs YltTTaKov dpiGTelas* ttjv 
'AA/ccuou SirjyrjaaTo tov ttoltjtov (fivyrjv 7 ck ttjs 
pdxr]9, ra ottXo pli/javTos' tw tcl fiev xP r j GTGL M 1 ? 
ypdipai Ta S' cucr^pd prj TrapaXtTrelv piapTvprjaas 
toIs CX770 pads 8 KaKias Kal tov cf)66vov (frveadai Kal 
ttjv €T7ixaip€KaKiav Xeyovai. 
C 16. Merd Tavra tovs 'AXKpeojvloas, 9 dvSpas 10 
yevopevovs Kal ttjv TrarptSa ttjs Tvpavvl&os eXzv- 
OepojaavTas, els ah lav ipbfiaXajv TrpoSocrlas oe^a- 
adal <f>rjGL tov II etcrtarparov e/c ttjs (f>vyrjs Kal 
avyKaTayayelv cttI tco ydpLO) ttjs ^leyaKXeovs 
dvyaTpos' ttjv 8e Traloa rrpos ttjv parjTepa <f>pdaai 
ttjv iavTrjs otl " c5 p.ap.pioiov , opas; ov pilyvvTat 

1 yevofievos Reiske (who adds avrov before irpa^€aiv)i yevd- 

fJL€VOV. 

2 yivriXrjvalwv Bernardakis : 'SlirvXrjvaicjv (so also below). 

3 TTpoKaXcGafjLevov Pletho, Stephanus : TrpooKaAeoapLevov. 

/3aA 

4 77€pLJ3a\(l)V B : TTCpiXa^diV E. 

5 HtrrdK€LOv Pletho, Cobet : TLlttolklov. 
30 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858 

details not worth mentioning, a but ignores the man's 
greatest and finest deed, though he had occasion to 
describe it. The Athenians and Mytilenians were at 
war over Sigeum and the Athenian general Phrynon 
challenged anyone who would come forward to single 
combat ; whereupon Pittacus came forward, trapped 
the man in a net and killed him, big strong man 
though he was. And when the Mytilenians offered 
him handsome rewards, he threw his spear and asked 
only for that extent of ground which it covered in its 
flight ; and to this day this piece of land is called 
Pittaceum. What does Herodotus do, then, when he 
comes to this point in his story ? Instead of the 
heroic exploit of Pittacus he describes how the poet 
Alcaeus fled from the battle, throwing away his 
arms. & By omitting the good and failing to omit the 
bad he gives support to the view that envy and de- 
light in the misery of others are products of the same 
vice. 

16. Later on he attacks the Alcmaeonids, who 
proved themselves brave men in freeing their country 
from tyranny ; he charges them with treachery, say- 
ing that they received back Peisistratus from exile 
and restored him to power on condition that he marry 
the daughter of Megacles. Then his story is that the 
girl said to her mother, " Look, mamma ; Peisistratus 

a i. 27. 2-4. 

6 v. 94-95. 

c They are called " brothers " in Mor. 518 c. 

6 Ulttolkov dpLGTeCas] apiorelas Ulttclkov Benseler. 

7 <j>vyrjy Stephanus, Xylander : <f>vmv. 

8 fiias] Kal ttjs avrrjs added by Reiske. 

9 ' AXKfitojviSas Herwerden : 'AA/c/xatcavtSa? (so also below, 
p. 32). 

10 avSpas] avbpas ayadovs Herwerden. 

31 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(858) /xot Kara vojjlov HeiGLaTparos." irrl rovrco Se rov? 
'AAKjjL€(jovL8as to) TrapavoixrjiJiaTL ax^rXidaavras ££- 
eXdaac rov rvpavvov. 

17. v \va Toivvv fJLrjo' ol Aa/ceSat/xoVtot rcov 'A9rj- 
vaicov eXarrov e^cocrt rfjs KaKoiqdeias, rov iv avrols 
{idXiora OavfjLa^ojJLevov /cat rificofjievov 6 pa rrwg 

D hiaXeXvixavrai, rov 'OdpvdSav " rov Se eva," <j>r]oi, 
" rov TrepiXeujtOevTa tojv rpir^Kouiojv ala^vvopievov 
a7rovoGref.LV is Hrrdprrjv, rcov avXXox^Teojv oi€(f)dap- 
fievtov, avrov jjllv iv rfjcn Qvperjat 1 Karaxptfuaodai 2 
ecDvrov." avco jjl€V yap djjicfrorepois eVtot/cov elvai 
to vtK7]fjid <f)7]criv, ivravOa 8e rfj alo)(vvr) rod 
*06pvd8ov rrjv 3 rjrrav rwv Aa/ceSaijizcWcov Kare- 
pLaprvprjaev rjrrrjOevra piev yap tfqv alo^pov rjv, 
tt€ pcy eveadai 8e viKCJvra KaXXcarov . 

18. 'Ea> 4 Toivvv on rov Kpoiow dpiaOrj /cat aAa- 
£dva Kal yeXolov (f>rjoras iv rraaiv, vrro rovrov (frrjaiv, 
alxfjLaXojrov yevopbivov, /cat 77atSaya>y€tcr#at /cat 
vovdereladat rov Ysjjpov, os (frpovrjoei /cat dperfj /cat 

E fJLcyaXovota rroXv rravroov So/cet rrerrpajrevKivai rcov 
ftacnXeajv' rco Se YLpoioco pLrj8ev dXXo KaXov fj to 
TLjJLrjoaL rovs Qeovs avaOrjixaai ttoXXoZs /cat pbeyaXois 
fiaprvp^aas, avro rovro rrdvrojv doefieararov drro- 
8eLKWcnv epyov. d8eX(f)6v yap avrov 5 YlavraXeovra 6 

1 iv 7770-1 (dvpirjoi Bernardakis, following Xylander's iv 
ralai Qvpeaiat (as in Herodotus, i. 82) : ev nai dvpiviai E : iv 
Tola 1 dvpioiai B. 

2 KCLTaxpTJaaaOcu Reiske (as in Herodotus) : Karaxcxioaadai. 

3 T17V added by Benseler, not in mss. 

4 iw Stephanus : iycb. 5 avrov Herwerden : avrco. 

6 UavraXiovra Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : HavroXiovra 
(so also below). 

a i. 59-61. Herodotus does in fact describe the part played 
32 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858 

does not have intercourse with me in the normal 
way," whereupon the Alcmaeonids, enraged at such 
behaviour, drove out the tyrant. a 

17. He is determined, however, that the Spartans 
shall suffer from his malice just as much as the 
Athenians. Notice how roughly he has handled 
Othryadas, whom they particularly admired and 
honoured. " The one man of the three hundred who 
survived," he says, " was ashamed to return to Sparta 
when his companions in battle were killed, and he 
committed suicide on the spot at Thyreae." b The 
fact is that earlier he represented the victory as 
claimed by both sides, but here he presents the shame 
of Othryadas as evidence of the Spartan defeat, be- 
cause it would be a disgrace to live on after defeat, 
but a high honour to survive after victory. 

18. I will pass over the way in which he first repre- 
sents Croesus as an ignorant braggart and a com- 
pletely ludicrous figure, c and then, after he has been 
taken prisoner, shows him as the mentor and coun- 
sellor of Cyrus, d though Cyrus is supposed to be by 
far the greatest of all monarchs in intelligence and 
valour and nobility of character. The only virtue he 
allows to Croesus is that he honoured the gods with 
many great gifts ; and even this he represents as the 
most ungodly behaviour imaginable. He says that 

by the Alcmaeonids in finally freeing Athens from the tyranny 
(v. 62-63) ; and he is at pains to refute the charge that they 
tried to betray Athens at Marathon (vi. 121-124). 

b i. 82. 8. 300 Spartans fought with 300 Argives to decide 
who should have the area of Thyreae. 

c Cf the stories in i. 27 ; 30-33 ; 53-56 ; 71 ; 75. 

d i. 88-91. In Life of Solon, chap, xxvii, Plutarch tells the 
story of Solon's interview with Croesus, rejecting the argu- 
ment that it is chronologically impossible and declaring it 
appropriate to Solon's character. 

vol. xi c 33 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(858) 7Tepl rrjs fSaoiXelas avra) 1 SiacfrepeodaLy ^covros e'rt 
rov rrarpos' rov ovv Kpotaov, cos et? ttjv jSaatAet'av 
Karearrj, tcov iratpoov /cat (f)iXcov rov YlavraAeovros 
F eVa tcov yvcopipicov em Kvd<f>ov 2 Sia^delpat Kara^ai- 
vofjbevov, e/c Se tcov y^py]\xaTC0V avrov TToirjodfjuevov 
dvaO^pLara toXs Oeols drrooTeiXai. ArjcoKrjv Se tov 
MrjSov dpcTrj /cat SiKaioavvrj KTrjadpievov rrjv r qye- 
fjLovtav ov (f)vaei yevead ai ^77 at 3 tolovtov, ipaaOevra 
Se Tvpavvihos imdeaOai npooTToir)[Lam hiKaioovvqs . 
19. 'AAA* d(pi7]pLi rd tcov 41 papftdpoov d<j)doviav 
yap avTOS iv to is 'EXAtjvlkols 7T€7Toir}Kev. 'Adrj- 
vaiovs Toivvv /cat tovs ttoXXovs tcov dXXoov 'loovcov 
ijraLaxvveaO ou rco ovojjloltl tovtoo, [xtj fiovXofJLevovs 
dXXd (f>€vyovras "loovas KeKXfjadcu, tovs Se vo/zt- 
tpvras avTcov yevvaiordrovs 5 etvai /cat oppsrjQevTas 
drro tov TrpvTavrjLov tcov 'AOrjvaioov e/c fiapfidpoov 
TTaihoTToirjoaodai yvvaiKcov, rrarepas avTcov /cat dv- 
Spas 6 Kal rraiSas (frovevaavras* Sto ras yvvatKas 
vopLov deodai /cat 7 SpKovs eWAacrat /cat rrapaSovvai 
rals dvyarpdac, \xjynore opLOGLrfjaai tols dvSpdai 
/x^S' 0V0 jitaort ftofjaai rov avrrjs aVSpa* /cat tovs 
859 vvv ovras MlXtjgiovs i£ e/cetVa>v yeyovevat tcov 
yvvaiKoov . VTreirrcov Se KaOapcos "Icovas yeyovevat 

1 avra>] omitted in Basel edition. 

2 inl Kvd<f>ov Salmasius (as in Herodotus) : imvd<f>ov E : 

em vd</>ov B : €7tl vd</>ov Aldine edition. 

3 (f>7]OL B : TjGL E. 

a r" 

4 ra tcov {rcov) B : tcov E. 

5 yevvcuoTaTovs B : yevvcuoTCiTov E. 
34 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858-859 

his brother Pantaleon disputed the kingship with him 
when their father was still alive ; and that when 
Croesus became king he killed one of the nobles, who 
was a friend and supporter of Pantaleon, by stripping 
his skin from him on a carding comb, and turned his 
property into gifts which he sent off to the gods. a He 
also says that Dei'oces the Mede, whose high char- 
acter and justice won him the kingship, was not 
naturally such a person, but that when he conceived 
a desire for absolute power he set out to win a 
reputation for justice. h 

19- But never mind his treatment of barbarians ; 
he has been only too generous with examples on the 
Greek side. He says that the Athenians and most of 
the other Ionians are ashamed of the Ionian name, 
that they do not wish to be called Ionians, but shun 
the title ; and that those who came from the Pry- 
taneum of Athens and considered themselves the 
noblest Ionians fathered children by barbarian 
women, whose fathers and husbands and children they 
had slaughtered ; and that for this reason those women 
established a law and bound themselves by oaths, 
which they passed on to their daughters, never to take 
a meal with their husbands or to call them by name ; 
and he says that the Milesians of to-day are descen- 
dants of these women. He adds that the true 
Ionians are those who celebrate the Apaturia festi- 

a Cf. i. 92 (but this is not the only source of Croesus' 
offerings). b A slight distortion of i. 96. 

c An unskilful (or deliberately misleading) summary and 
combination of two sentences in Herodotus, i. 143. 3 and 
146. 2-3. 

6 koX avhpas added by Reiske, not in mss. 
7 /cat added by Bernardakis, not in mss. 

35 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(859) rovs 'ArraTovpia ayovras 1 ioprrjv, " dyovat Se rrdv- 
t€s," (j)7]aL, " 7tXtjv 'E</>eo"iojv kclI K.oAo(/)covicov ." 

TOVTOVS (JL€V 2 OVTCOS €KK€kA€LK€ T7]S €Vy€V€lCLS. 

20. TlaKTvrjv 8' aTTooravra Kupou (f>rjol z Kt>- 
fiaiovs kclI M.VTiAr)vaiovs £k8i86voll TrapaoKevd^- 
odai tov dv6poj7Tov " €ttI /jLLdOw oGco 8t], 4 ov yap 
e^co ye elrrelv arpeKecos " (ev to litj 8iafi€fiaiovoQai 
7700*0? rj v 6 fjuados, ttjAlkovto 8' 'EAA^wSt TrdAei 
TTpoofiaXeZv 6vei8os y cos 8rj oa<f)cos elSoraj' Xtous 

B /JL6VTOL TOV UaKTVTJV KOfJLloOeVTCL 7TpOS OLVTOVS ££ 

Ipov ' AOrjvairjs rroAiovxov €k8ovvcll, kcll ravra 
7Toir)oou tovs Xtous tov 'Araovea Litodov AafiovTas. 
kolltoi Xapojv 6 AaiiipaKr]v6s , dvrjp TrpeofivTepos, 5 iv 

ToZs 7T€pl UaKTVTJV A6yOiS y€VOfJL€VOS, TOLOVTOV 
Olf8€V OVT€ MvTiArjVCLLOLS OVT€ XtOlS" dyOS 7TpOOT€~ 

TpiTTTar tclvtl Se /cara Ae^iv yeypa<j>e y " UaKTvrjs 

8e COS €7Tv9€TO TTpOOeAaVVOVTOL TOV GTpOJTOV TOV 

UepotKov tpx €TO fevycov u-P Tl ^ v € k M.VTiArjV7]v , 

€7T€IT0L 06 €LS AlOV KCLI CLVTOV €KpaT7]G€ I\VpOS* 

21. 'El> 8e Tjj TpiTT) TCOV fiifSAcOV 1 8l7]yOVLL€VOS 

ttjv Aclk&clillovicov em YioAvKp&Trf tov Tiipavvov 
OTpaTeiav, clvtovs 9 Liev oteadal c/)rjcn kclI Aeyeiv 

HcLfAlOVS, COS X^P lV £KTWOVT€S CLVTOLS T7JS €7TL MeO- 

1 rovs ' ' Kirarovpia ayovras] Bernardakis suggests rovs an* 
*AQ7)va>v yeyovoras /cat 'Anarovpia ayovras. 

2 fxev] [jl€v ovv Bernardakis. 

3 Bernardakis would amplify <jyqolv els Kvfirjv tfcvyciv Kv- 
jxatovs 8' €K7T€fjapaL npos M.vriAir]vaiovs, /cat MvnArjvaiovs . . . 

4 oaa> 877 Reiske, as in Herodotus : short lacuna at end of 
line in mss. 

5 TTpeopvrepos] 'HpoSorou npeo^vrepos Reiske. 

6 5e] omitted in E. 

7 ftip\a>v Xylander : kvkXwv. 

8 IIoAu/cpaT7; E : UoXvKpdrrjv B. 

36 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859 

val ; " and all celebrate it," he says, " except the 
Ephesians and Colophonians." a This is the way, 
then, in which he denies these people their claim to 
noble lineage. 

20. He says that when Pactyas revolted against 
Cyrus the people of Cyme and Mytilenemade arrange- 
ments to surrender the man ' for a certain price, 
though I cannot state the exact amount " b (a fine 
thing this, to refuse to state what the price was, and 
yet to brand a Greek city with this mark of infamy, 
as though he were sure of his facts). " But the people 
of Chios," he says, " when Pactyas came to their 
country, removed him from the temple of Athena 
Poliuchus and handed him over ; and they did so in 
return for the territory of Atarneus which they re- 
ceived as a reward." c The fact is, however, that 
Charon of Lampsacus, an older writer, in his account 
of Pactyas, has not dishonoured the Mytilenians or 
the Chians with any such taint of guilt ; his actual 
words are : " When Pactyas learnt that the Persian 
army was approaching, he took flight, going first to 
Mytilene, then to Chios ; and Cyrus captured him." d 

21 . In his third book when he describes the Spartan 
expedition against the tyrant Polycrates, he says that, 
according to what the Samians themselves think and 
say, the Spartans made the expedition in gratitude for 

a i. 147. 1-2 (again not quite a fair report). 

6 A highly compressed and somewhat misleading account 
of i. 157-160 ; but there may be something missing in the 
text (see critical note). 

c i. 160. 4. Atarneus is on the mainland facing Chios. 

d Jacoby, Frag. Gr. Hist, iii a, no. 262, F. 9. Jacoby dis- 
putes the statement that Charon is an older writer than 
Herodotus. 

9 clvtovs Amyot, Xylander (cf. Herodotus, iii. 47) : avros. 

37 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(859) wqvtovs 1 ^orjOelas arparevaeiav, tovs re <j>evyovras 
Kardyovres rcov ttoXitcov kcli rep rvpdvvcp noXepLovv- 
res* dpvelaOai Se rrjv alriav ravriqv Aa/ceSai/zo- 
viovs, kcli Xeyeiv (hs ov fiorjOovvres ov8 y eXevde- 
povvres dXXd TtpLcopovfievoL Ttapu'ovs arparevGaivro , 
Kparrjpd tivcl rrepLTropLevov Kpoicra) Trap* clvtlov /cat 

dwpCLKCL 7TaXtV T!CLp 'A/ZaCTtSoS' KO[AlZ,6pL€VOV OLVTols 
d(f>eXofJL€VOVS. KOLLTOL TToXlV €V TOLS TOT€ ^pOVOtS" 2 
OVT€ C^lXoTLflOV OVTOJS OVT€ pLMJOTV pOLVVOV LCFfieV d)S 

rrjv Aa/ceSat/xovta>v yevojJLevrjv noiov yap eve/ca 

QdjpCLKOS Tj TLVOS KpOLTTJpOS €T€pOV K.Vl/jeXi8cLS JLC6V 

D e£ej8aAov e/c K.opiv6ov /cat 'A^pa/cta? e/c Se Na£oi> 3 
AvySapuv i£ 'AOrjvtov Se tovs HetaLarpdrov 7tcli8cls 
e/c Se Hikvwvos Alaxivrjv e/c Qdaov Se Sv/xjLta^ov 
e/c Se ®a)/ce'a>i> AuAtv e/c MiXrjrov S* 'Apiaroyevr], 
ttjv S' ev QerraXois Swaaretav eiravocLV, 'Aptcrro- 
/jLrjSr] /cat 'AyeAaov 4 KaraXvaavreg Sta Aeamr^t'Sou 
rod fiaoiXetos; Trepl &v ev clXXols aKpifSearepov 
yeypaTTTai. /caret S' 'HpdSorov oxire kclklcls ovt* 

1 Mcgotjviovs Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : Meoorjvrfs. 

2 Bernardakis would add ouSc/xtW. 

3 Naf ot> Turnebus, Xylander : f evdyov. 

4 'AyeXaov Hubert : "AyeXXov E : "AyycXov B. 

° iii. 47. 

6 The Cypselid tyrants controlled their colonies in the 
N.W. through members of their family. It is hard to see how 
Sparta could have interfered actively in Ambracia, and ac- 
cording to Aristotle, Politics, v. 1304 a, the tyrant there was 
dethroned by a democratic uprising ; cf. H. R. W. Smith, 
Univ. of California Publications in Classical Archaeology, 
i, p. 263. In Corinth the Corinthians probably expelled their 
tyrants without external help. Of. Nicolaus of Damascus, 
Frag. Gr. Hist, ii a, no. 90, F. 60, with Jacoby's comment- 
ary ; but see also D. E. W. Wormell, Hermathena, lxvi 
(1945), p. 18. 

38 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859 

Samian help against the Messenians, restoring the 
citizens who had been exiled and making war against 
the tyrant. But he says the Spartans deny this ex- 
planation and claim to have made the expedition, not 
with any intent to help or liberate the Samians, but 
to punish them for appropriating a mixing bowl that 
they were sending to Croesus and also a breastplate 
which was on the way to them from Amasis. a Never- 
theless we know of no city at that date which was so 
ambitious for honour or so hostile to tyrants as Sparta. 
Was it for some such breastplate or mixing bowl that 
they expelled the Cypselids from Corinth and Am- 
bracia, & Lygdamis from Naxos, c the sons of Peisis- 
tratus from Athens, Aeschines from Sicyon, d Sym- 
machus from Thasos, Aulis from Phocis, and Aristo- 
genes from Miletus, 6 and put down the power of the 
Thessalian overlords when King Leotychides deposed 
Aristomedes and Agelaiis ? f These are events which 
have been described more fully in other authors. But 
according to Herodotus the Spartans sank to the 

c A protege of Peisistratus. No other author says that the 
Spartans expelled him ; they might have done so at the time 
of the Samian expedition. 

d Cf. the unknown author of Rylands Papyri, i, no. 18 
{Frag, Gr. Hist, ii a, no. 105, F. 1) ; Aeschines is not men- 
tioned elsewhere. See also T. Lenschau, Philologies, xci 
(1936), pp. 183-184. 

e Even the names and dates of these tyrants are unknown ; 
and Spartan interference in Thasos and Miletus is hard to 
believe. For tyrants at Miletus cf. Tod, Gk. Historical 
Inscriptions, i, no. 35. 

1 The names of these Thessalians are unfamiliar ; but 
when Leotychides led a Spartan force to Thessaly to punish 
the powerful Aleuadae for their medism in the Persian Wars, 
Herodotus says that they bribed him to leave them in power 
and that he was exiled from Sparta in consequence (vi. 72 ; 
cf. Pausanias, Hi. 7. 9). 

39 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(859) dfieXrepias vTrepfloXrjv XzXolttcloiv , el rrjv KaAAiorrjv 

KCLL SlKaLOTOLTrjV TTJS GTpCLTeLCLS dpVOVLL€VOL 7Tp6(/)aGLV 

coLLoXoyovv 8ta \ivr\aiKCLKiav kcli LLLKpoXoyiav Itti- 
TideadaL Svgtvxovglv dvdpamoLS kclI kclklos TTpdr- 

TOVOIV. 

E 22. Ov litjv dXXd AclkzScllllovlovs Liev dpicooye- 

TTCDS 1 VTTOTTeOOVTCLS CLVTOV Tip ypCL^eiCQ lTpOCJ€XpOJCT€' 
T7)V 8e ¥s.Opivdi(X)V TToXlV, 6KT0S SpOfJLOV KCLTO, TOV- 

tov ovaav rov tottov, ollojs tt pooire piAa^cbv 68ov, 
<j>aai, 2 7rdp€pyov dveTrXrjaev 3 clItlcls Setvrjs kcli LLoyj- 
drjpordrrjg Sia^oXrjs. " avverreXd^ovro ydp," (frrjcri, 
tl rov arpcLTevLLCLTOS rod eirl HdiLov* ware yeveadcn, 

F Kdl KopivOiOl TTpodvLLtOS? vfiplcTLLCLTOS €L£ CLVTOVS 
V7TO HiCLLLlCOV TTpOTtpOV VTTap^CLVTOS . TjV S<E TOLOVTO' 

JiepKVpCLLOJV ttcllScls rpiCLKooiovs tcjv 7Tpd)TO)v* Hept- 
avSpos 6 K.oplv9ov Tvpavvos €7r' eKTopifj Trap* 'AAt>- 
drrrjv 7 €7T€LLtt€' tovtovs drro^dvras els ttjv vfjaov 
ol HdfuoL SiSd^avres iv leptp 'AprepLiSos LKeras kcl6- 
l^eaOai kcli rpojKrd Trportdevres 8 avrols oarjLLepaL 

OTjCrdLLOV KCLL LLtXlTOS 7T€pi€7ToirjGCLV .' ' TOV0' vfipLCTLLCL 

Hcllllcov els Kopivdiovs 6 ovyypcLcfrevs TTpooayopevei 

KCLI 8td TOVTO <f>7)CTL OVLLTTCLpO^VVCLl AaK€$CLLLLOVlOVS 
KCLT* CLVTLOV €T€GLV OVK SXiyOLS VCTT€pOV, eyKXrjLLCL 
7TOir)CJCLLL€VOVS OTL TplCLKOCTLOVS TTaiSa? 'EAAt^OOV €(j)V' 

Aa^av dvSpas. 6 Se rovro KopivOlois irpoorpifioLLe- 
vos tovvclSos a7TO(j)aiv€i rod rvpdvvov fioxO^porepav 

1 afia)Gy€7TO)S Reiske : dXXcjs yi ttojs. 

2 <f>aoi Xylander : (foot. 

3 avcTrArjaev E : £v€ttAt]<j€v B. 

4 rod im HdfjLov Reiske (as in Herodotus) : em Sa/xo>. 

5 /cat KopivOioi npodviJLcos Stephanus (as in Herodotus) 

Rot? 
KopivOtoLS rrpodv/xov E : Kopwdlois 7rpo6vjxov B. 

40 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859 

lowest depths of baseness and stupidity, if they de- 
nied the most honourable and just explanation for 
their campaign and admitted a petty vindictiveness as 
their reason for attacking men in misery and misfor- 
tune. 

22. Still it must be admitted that the Spartans 
were, after a fashion, proper subjects for his pen when 
he blackened their character like this. The city of the 
Corinthians was not directly in his path at all on this 
occasion ; but even so he seized the opportunity of a 
diversion, as the saying is, and made them the objects 
of a shocking accusation and a monstrous slander. 
" The Corinthians,' ' he says, " were vigorous sup- 
porters of the expedition against Samos, as an affront 
had previously been offered to them by the Samians. 
What happened was this. Periander was sending 
three hundred boys from the leading families in 
Corcyra to Alyattes to be made eunuchs ; and when 
they went ashore on the island, the Samians in- 
structed them to sit down as suppliants in the temple 
of Artemis, provided them daily with cakes of se- 
same and honey, and saved them from their fate." a 
This is what the historian calls the " Samian affront 
to the Corinthians " and this is the reason, he says, 
why many years later they abetted the Spartans in 
their quarrel — making it a ground for complaint that 
the Samians preserved the manhood of three hundred 
Greek boys ! A writer who foists this shameful act 
on the Corinthians is representing the city as worse 

a An inaccurate summary of iii. 48. 

6 rwv 7rpd)TOJv] dvSpcov tcov irpcLriov Herodotus. 

7 'AAuamyv editors : 'AAucmyi/ B : 'AXvolttjv E. The text 
of Herodotus is -nap 'AAuarrca eV eVcTO/z?}. 

8 irpoTidivres E : irepiridevTes B. 

41 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(859) T7)V ttoXlv eKelvos [Lev ye 1 tov vlov clvtov 2 KepKv- 
paiovs dveXovTCLS* rjjJLVvaro y KopivOioi Se tl ttclOov- 
res irtfJiajpovvTO ^cl/jllovs €jjl7to8ojv ardvTCLS toLiOTrjTL 
kcll TrapavofJLLa roaavrrj, kcll tclvtcl fiera rpels ye- 
veds opyrjv kcll jjlv7]ctlkclklclv dva<j>epovTes vrrep rv- 
860 pavvihoSy rjs KaraXvdetarjg rrdv re 4 fivrjfJLa kcll tt&v 
LXVos i£a\€i(f)ovT€s kcll d(f)avit,ovT€S ovk erravovTO, 
XaXeTrrjs kcll j3ap€Las OutoIs yevofievrjs ; 

'AAAa S77 to fiev vfipLGLia tolovtov 5 rjv to 
Hcljjlllov els Kopivdtovs* to Se Tijitoprjiia ttoZov tl to 
KopLvOltov els HapLLOvs; el yap ovtlos copyit.ovTo 
HafJLioLS, ov Trapo^vveiv y cvnoTpeTreiv Se fjbdXXov 
avTOis r\v 7rpoarJKov AaKeSaLfJiovlovs errl TLoXvKpaTT) 
B CTTpaTevojJLevov s, ottcos (jltj 6 tov Tvpdvvov kcltclXv- 
devTos eXevOepoi Sa/xtoc yevoiVTO kcll 7tclvctcllvto 
SovXevovTes. o Se jieyLGTOV eoTL, tl Sry7TOTe 

KopLV0LOL TiCLfJLLOLS fieV LOpyL%OVTO fiovXrjQeloL GtpOCLL 

kcll firj SvvrjdeXaL Ys.epKvpaicov 1 itcllScls, Kvl8lols Se 

TOLS GLOGCLGL KCLL drTo8oVGLV % OVK iveKaXoVV / KCLLTOL 
KepKVpCLLOL HcLfLLCOV fJLeV €776 TOVTLp X6yOV OX) TToXvV 

exovGLy Kvl8lcov Se \xepjvr\VTCLL kcll KvlSlols elal tl- 

1 ye] ydp Meziriacus. 

2 clvtov] avrov Stephanus. 

3 aveXovras Meziriacus, Reiske : dveXovra. 

4 re Reiske : to. 5 tolovtov B : toiovto E. 

6 /Ltr) E : fjLTjoe B. 

7 KepKvpaicov] tovs KcpKvpaiwv early editors. 

8 dwohovoiv E : d7TohiSovoiv B. 

a iii. 53. .7. 

& In the third generation, according to the Greek way of 
counting. It is only one generation later according to 

42 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859-860 

than the tyrant ; he struck at the Corcyreans for 
the murder of his son a ; but what happened to the 
Corinthians that they should want to punish the 
Samians for standing in the way of such criminal 
savagery ? And, furthermore, that they should still 
be angry and bear a grudge two generations later b 
in the cause of a tyranny, every memory and every 
trace of which, after its fall, they never ceased trying 
to obliterate and destroy, since it had been a severe 
and oppressive regime. 

Or suppose we grant this " affront " to the Corin- 
thians by the Samians. What sort of punishment is 
this that the Corinthians inflict on them ? If they 
were really angry with the Samians, they ought not 
to have abetted the Spartans, but to have deterred 
them from the expedition against Polycrates ; in this 
way the tyrant would not be deposed, the Samians 
would not win freedom, and their slavery would con- 
tinue. But here is the biggest difficulty : how did it 
happen that the Corinthians were angry with the 
Samians for wanting to save the boys and failing to 
do so, but made no complaint against the Cnidians 
who did save them and return them to Corcyra ? d 
The Corcyreans, in fact, do not pay much attention 
to the Samians' part in this affair ; it is the Cnidians 
whom they remember and who are honoured in Cor- 

Herodotus iii. 48. 1, if the traditional text is correct (but cf. 
the emendation and note of Legrand in the Bud6 edition). 
For discussion of the chronological problem (the dating of the 
Corinthian tyrants) see T. Lenschau, Philologus, xci (1936), 
pp. 278-283 and H. R. W. Smith, Univ. of California Publi- 
cations in Classical Archaeology, i, pp. 254-266. 

c Cf. the speech of the Corinthians in v. 92. On this story 
see R. L. Beaumont, J.H.S. lvi (1936), pp. 173-174. 

d But according to Herodotus, iii. 48. 4, the Samians were 
successful in getting the boys back to Corcyra. 

43 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(860) /xcu Kal dreXeiai Kal i/fT^icr/xara Trap* avrols ' ovrot 

yap eTrnrXevaavTes e£rjXaaav e.K rod lepov tovs Tlepi- 

C dvSpov (f)vXaKas, avrol S' dvaXafiovres tovs Traloas 

els K.epKVpav SieKOfJLiaav, cos 'Avrrjvoop €V TOLS 

Y^pTfTLKols 1 LOTOprjKe Kdl AlOVVGlOS 6 XaAACtSeU? 
€V TOLS Krt(7€C7tV. 

"On S' ov Tip.copovp.evoi Hapiovs dXX* eXevde- 
povvres drro rod Tvpdvyov Kal ooo^ovres eurpdrev- 
aav oi AaKeoaipovioij Haplois avrols eoTi XPV" 
aaadai [idprvaiv. * ApyLa yap dv8pl JlTTapridrrj 
Xaparpcos dycoviaapevco rore Kal ireoovTi rd(/)ov el- 
vat 8t] fjiocr to, KaTeoKevaapevov ev Za/xa> Kal TLpcb- 
puevov vri* avrcov Xeyovor Sto Kal tovs drroyovovs 
rdvSpos del oiaTeXelv HapLLots olkelcos Kal (f)iXav- 
OpooTTGQS rrpoo<f)€popL€Vovs » cos avros 'HpoSoTOS rav- 
ra yovv d7Top,ep,apTvpr]Kev . 

23. 'Ev 8e rfj 7T€pL7rrrj, tcov dpiarcov 'Adrjvrjcn 
Kal npcorcov dvSpcov KXeLcrdevrj pev dvairelaai (frrjoi 

D ttjv UvOtav ifj€v86pbavTiv yeveodai y irpocfyepovaav 
del AaKehaipovibis eXevdepovv drro rcov Tvpdvvcov 2 
ras 'Adrjvas, koXXLotco puev epycp Kal SiKaiordrcp 
TTpoodiTTCOV daefirjpLaros BiafioXrjv ttjXlkovtov Kal 
paoiovpyrjparoSy d<j>aipovpevos Se rod deov puav- 
relav KaXrjv Kal dyadrjv Kal rrjs XeyopLevqs Gvparpo- 
(f>r)reveLV QepuSos d^iav. 'loayopav he. rrjs yapberrjs 
V(f)iea9ai KAco/xeVet c/)oltcovti Trap* avrrjv cos S' 
elcoOet, Trapapayvvs TTiorecos eveKa toIs ijjoyois eirai- 

E vovs Ttvds, " 'laayoprjs 8e," <^r\aiv y " 6 Tucrdvopov 

1 eV tols KprjTiKOLS Kaltwasser : re 6 KprjTLKos. 
2 rvpdvvcov : mss. add del. 

° No inscriptions survive from Corcyra recording any such 
resolutions. b Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 463, F. 2. 

44 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 860 

cyra with grants of special privileges and resolutions 
commending them a — because they were the ones 
who sailed in and drove Periander's guards away 
from the temple ; and they picked up the boys and 
brought them back to Corcyra, as is described by 
Antenor in his History of Crete b and by Dionysius the 
Chalcidian in his Foundings of Cities. c 

On the other hand, we have the evidence of the 
Samians themselves that the Spartans made this ex- 
pedition not to punish the Samians but to save them 
and free them from their tyrant. They say that a 
Spartan called Archias fought and died heroically on 
that occasion and that they, at public expense, built 
a tomb for him which they hold in honour ; and that 
in consequence the descendants of Archias still have 
close ties of friendship with the Samians ; and these 
are details to which Herodotus himself bears witness. d 

23. In the fifth book he says that Cleisthenes, a 
member of one of the leading noble families in 
Athens, persuaded the Delphic prophetess to deliver 
counterfeit responses, when she continually told the 
Spartans to free Athens from its tyrants. 6 Thus he 
attaches the charge of grave impiety and fraud to a 
noble upright action and he denies all credit to the 
god for a noble and honourable response, worthy o£., 
Themis who is said to have a part in these responses. 
He says also that Isagoras connived at the attentions' 
paid by Cleomenes to his wife f ; and, in his usual 
way, so as to appear convincing, he mingles some 
expressions of praise with his fault-finding : " Isa- 
goras," he says, " the son of Tisander, came of a 

c Muller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iv, p. 396, fr. 13. 

d iii. 55. e v. 63. 1. 

/ v. 70. 1 (recorded as rumour, not as fact). 

45 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(860) oIkltjs fJiev rjv 8okljjlov, drdp rd dveKadev ovk e^co 
<f>pdaaL' Ovovol Se ol ovyyevels avrov Att Rapto)." 
€vpv9fios ye 1 /cat 7toXltlkos 6 fjLVKrrjp rod ovyypa- 
<f>e<x)S, els Kdpas toonep els KopaKas cltt 08 lotto /x- 
TTovpbevov tov 'laayopav. * ApiGToyeirova \ievTOi 
ovKert kvkXoj /cat kclkws, 2 aAA 5 dvrtKpvs Sta ttv- 
Xcov els <&olvlktjv etjeXavvei, Tecfrvpcuov yeyovevai 
Xeyojv dveKadev tovs Se Yecfrvpaiovs ovk aV Ei3- 
F j8otas" ouS' 3 'EpeT/Hets 1 , 4 warrep olovrai rives, dXXd 
OotVt/cas' elvai (frrjaiv, avros ovrco TreTrvafxevos. 5 

'AcfreXeadou roivvv AaKehaipioviovs pi?) Svvdpievos 
rrjv 'AOrjvaiajv eXevdepaioiv 6 drro rwv rvpdvvcov 
alayloTip rrddei KaXXiorov epyov olos r early 
d<^avt£etv Kal Karaioyvveiv . ra^u yap pLeravorJGai 
(f)7]aiv avrovs, d>s ov rroLr^aavras dpdcjs, on " /ctjS- 
SrjXoiaL 7 fJLavrrjLoiGLV errapOevres dvSpas ^elvovs 
ovras avroLGi /cat vrroaxopievovs VTroxeiplas Trap- 
e^eiv rds 'Adrjvas e£rjXaaav e/c rrjs rrarplSos tovs 
rvpdvvovs* Kal 8i][jLcp dx^pioTCp rrapeScoKav rrjv 
ttoXiv." elra fJbera7Tejjii/jaiJLevovs e l7rmav and St- 
ye lov Kovrdyeiv els rds 'AOrjvas' dvrLarrjvai Se 
861 K.opiv6iovs avrois /cat aTTOTpeifjai? HcoKXeovs 10 St- 
eXQovros ocra ¥Lvi/jeXos Kal HeplavSpos /ca/ca 11 ttjv 

1 ye Reiske : re. 

2 koI kolkojs E : kcikojs B : Trays Wyttenbach : irXayLajs 
Kronenberg. 3 ovB'] Reiske would delete. 

4 'Eperpieis] Bernardakis suggests 'Eperptas (Herodotus 
has ££ 'Eperpt^s). 

5 7T€7TvofjLevos Reiske : TreireiG fievos (Herodotus has avairvv- 
davofxevos). 

6 eXevdepcoGLv E and in margin of B : eXevOepiav B. 

7 KLfiorjXoiai B : KiPorjXrjGi E. 

8 rovs rvpdvvovs] Cobet would delete. 

9 aTTorpeipai Cobet : a7Toarpeijjai. 

46 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 860-861 

distinguished family, but I know nothing of its more 
remote origin, except that his kinsmen sacrifice to 
Carian Zeus." a Our historian certainly knows how 
to sneer gracefully like a gentleman, getting rid of 
Isagoras by consigning him " to the carrion heap of 
Caria," as it were b ; but with Aristogeiton he uses 
no such cowardly circuitous methods ; he drives him 
straight out through the gate to Phoenicia, saying he 
was a Gephyraean by descent, "and the Gephyraeans 
are not Eretrians from Euboea, as some people think, 
but — as I have discovered for myself — are Phoeni- 
cians/ ' c 

Now he cannot deny that the Spartans freed Athens 
from its tyrants ; but he does succeed in belittling 
and denigrating their glorious deed by attributing 
a most unworthy reaction to them. He says that they 
soon repented, deciding that they had made a mistake 
and had been carried away by counterfeit oracles ; 
they considered that in driving out the tyrants from 
the country they had driven out their own friends, 
who had promised to make Athens subject to them, 
and so had put the city into the hands of an ungrateful 
democracy. Accordingly he has them send for Hip- 
pias from Sigeum and try to bring him back to power 
in Athens, only to find the Corinthians resisting them 
and dissuading them ; and he makes Socles describe 
all the harm that Cypselus and Periander did to the 

a v. 66. 1. 

b As though he were an unclean thing, a scapegoat, who 
is generally driven out through a gate of the city (cf. Mor. 
518 b), like Aristogeiton in the next sentence. For the lan- 
guage cf. Plato, Cratylus, 396 e. c v. 55; 51. 1. 

10 Sco/cAeou?] SoKJiAcAeous anonymous early corrector. 
11 KaKa Wyttenbach : Kara. 

47 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(861) Kopiv9ia>v ttoXlv elpydaavro rvpavvovvres. kclltol 
YleptdvSpov G^erXiojrepov ov8ev ov8* (hpborepov 
kpyov LGTOpeLTOLL 1 rrjs iKjrofXTTrjs 2 tcov TptaKoatcov 
€K€iva)v, ovs e^aprrdaaui Kal StaKcoXvaaaL TTadeZv 
ravra HapaoLS opyt^eadat (frrjcri Kal {JuvrjatKaKeiv 
J&opivduovs coairep vfSpiodevras. Tcxjavrrjs avarripi- 
TrXrjai rapa^rjs Kal 8iacf>a)vias to KaKorjdes avrov 
rov Xoyov, 3 i£ aTrdarjs^ rfj 8irjyr)G€i Trpocfrdaeajs 
VTro8v6fievov. 

24. 'Ei> 8e rols icf)€^rjg rd ire pi SapSei? 8ir)yov- 
pLZVos, d)S ivrjv jidXiora hieXvoe Kal SieXvfjLTjvaro 
rrjv Trpa^LVy as fJL€V 'AdrjvaLOL vavs i^eTrepa/jav "Icoox 
TifJLOJpovs drroaraaL jSacriAecos' dp^eKaKovs roXpLrj- 
B era? TTpoaenTelv, on roaavras rroXeis Kal rrjXiKavras 
r KXXr)Vi8ag iXevdepovv €TT€.y€ipr)oav drro rtov jSap- 
fidpajVy 'Eperptecov 8e KopaSfj puvrjadels iv rrapipyep 
Kal 7Tapaaia)7rr]Gas /xcya KaropOwpia Kal dolScpLov. 
7]8rj yap d>s twv* irzpl rrjv 'IaWav avyKe^v /xeVaw 5 
Kal gtoXov fiaoiXiKov TrpoarrXeovros, airavTrjoavTes 
e£a) YLvnpiovs iv rep UapL^vXctp rreXdyei Karevav- 
pidyr\Gav^* elr* dvaarpeifjavres ottlgo) Kal ras vavs 
iv 'E^eaoj KaraXiTrovres irredevro SapSeox Kal 
5 Apra(j)€pv7]v €7ToXi6pKovv els rrjv aKponoXiv Kara- 
C (f)vy6vra } fiovX6p,evoi rrjv MiXtfrov Aucrai TroXiop- 
Kiav Kal tovto fiev errpa^av Kal rovs TroXepbiovs 

1 IdTopeXrai E : icrropetrai B : iorlv etnas Aldine edition : 
etnas Basel edition. 

2 iK7TOfi7TTJs] €KTOfirjs Leonicus, Stephanus. 

bv ov 

3 rov Xoyov E : tcov Xoyajv B. 

4 rtov Wyttenbach : lacuna of 5 letters in mss. : more 
elaborate supplements by early editors. 

5 avyK€XVfJL€vcov Wyttenbach : ovyKcxv [iiv . v E : ovyKcxv- 

fJL€V7)V B. 

48 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861 

city of the Corinthians when they were tyrants. a The 
fact is, however, that no more brutal and savage deed 
is recorded of Periander than his sending off of the 
three hundred boys ; but when the Samians seized 
them and rescued them from their fate, he says that 
the Corinthians were angry and resentful, as though 
they were " affronted.' ' Thus we see how his malice, 
which creeps into his narrative on any excuse at all, 
fills his history with confusion and inconsistency. 

24. Later on, in describing the attack on Sardis, he 
does all he can to misrepresent and disparage the 
exploit. He has the impertinence to say that the 
ships which the Athenians sent to support the Ionians 
in their revolt against the king were " the beginning 
of disaster/' b because they attempted to free all 
these great Greek cities from the Barbarian ; and he 
mentions the Eretrians only quite casually and passes 
over their great epic achievement in silence. The 
facts are that when confusion had already struck in 
Ionia d and the king's fleet was on the way, they 
went out to meet it and won a naval victory over the 
Cyprians in the Pamphylian Sea ; then they turned 
back, left their ships at Ephesus, and attacked Sardis 
and kept up the siege of the acropolis where Arta- 
phernes had taken refuge. Their intention was to 
raise the siege of Miletus ; and they succeeded in 
doing this, causing the enemy troops to withdraw in 

a v. 91-92 (in some mss. of Herodotus the name is given as 
Sosicles). 

5 v. 97. 3. c v. 99 ; 102. 3. 
d Something may be missing from the text here. 

6 A different text is implied in Pletho's paraphrase : <jto\u> 
fiaGiAiKto €K Kvnpov rfj 'Icovia TTpoairXeovrL ef co iv to) ITa/x^uAta> 
7reAayet airavTriaavres KaTevavfjidx^crcLV- 

49 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(861) av€GT7](jav eKeWev, ev </>6fia) davfJLaarco yevofjievovs' 
ttXtjOovs 8* emxvdevros avrols direxojpiqoav. ravra 
8' dAAot re /cat Avoavlas 6 MaXXojrrjs ev rols rrepl 
'Eperpias eiprjKe- /cat kolAojs elxev, el /cat 1 Std 
fjbrjSev dXXo, rfj yovv dXojoei /cat <j>0opa rrjs rroXeaJS 
€7T€L7T€tv to dvSpayddrjfjLa rovro /cat rrjv dpioreiav. 
d Se /cat KparrjOevras avrovs vrro rcov fiapfidpajv 
<j>y]alv els ras vavs, KaraStojxOrjvat, fjbrjSev roiovro 
rod AafjLi/jaKrjvov Xapajvos loropovvros, dXXd ravrl 
ypd(j>ovros Kara Xe^iv " *Adr]valoi 8' et/coat rpirj- 

D peoiv errXevoav emKovprjoovres rots "Ia>crt, /cat els 
SapSets eorparevoavro /cat elXov rd Trepl Hdpheis 
amavra x^pls rov reixovs rod jSaatA^toir ravra Se 
iroirjaavres erravaxojpovoiv els MtXrjrov." 

25. 'Ev Se rfj eKrr) oirjyrjadfJLevos rrepl HAa- 
raieojv, ojs o<f>as avrovs e8l8ooav HrraprLdrats, ol 
Se (xaXXov eKeXevoav 7Tpos * AOrjvalovs rperreodai 
" TrXrjotoxojpovs eovras avrols 2 /cat rifJLOjpeeiv ov 
tcaKovs," TrpooridrjoLv ov /ca#' vrrovoiav ov8e oo^av, 
dAA' ojs d/cpt/JoDs' einordpLevos, on " ravra avv- 
efiovXevov ol Aa/ceSat/zdvtot ov Kar evvoiav oiirco 3 
rcov UXaraieojv, ojs fiovXopLevoi rovs ' Adtjvaiovs 

E exew rrovovs* avveorecoras Bota>Tots , . ,, ovkovv el 
firj KaKorjdrjs 'YlpoSoros, eVt/JouAot jiev Aa/ceSat- 
/xdvtot /cat KaKorjOeis, 6 dvaiodrjroL 8' 'Adrjvacoi 
7rapaKpovo9evres , IIAaratets 8' ov Kar evvoiav 
ov8e rLfirjv dXXd TroXefiov 7rp6(f>aois els [lioov eppl- 
<f>r)oav. 

1 et^ev el Kal E : elx* Kal B. 

2 iovras avrols E : ovras iavrols B. 

3 ovrw (as in Herodotus) added by Xylander : omitted 
in mss. 

4 itovovs (as in Herodotus) Bernardakis : uovov. 

50 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861 

a remarkable state of alarm ; then, when attacked 
by superior numbers, they retreated. Various writers 
have described these events, including Lysanias of 
Mallus in his History of Eretria. a And, even if for no 
other reason, it would have been a fine epitaph on 
Miletus, after its capture and destruction, to describe 
this magnificent exploit. But he says that they were 
actually defeated by the barbarians and driven back 
to their ships. 5 Nothing of this sort is to be found in 
Charon of Lampsacus. His actual words are : " The 
Athenians with twenty triremes sailed to help the 
Ionians, advanced to Sardis, and occupied the whole 
of Sardis except the royal fortress ; and after this 
they withdrew to Miletus/' c 

25. In Book VI he describes how the Plataeans 
offered themselves to the Spartans, who urged them 
rather to turn to the Athenians, as " near neighbours 
of theirs who were no mean helpers " ; and he adds 
— not as a suspicion of his own or a mere opinion, but 
as though he were sure of the facts — that " the 
Spartans gave this advice not so much out of good- 
will towards the Plataeans as because they wanted 
to make trouble for the Athenians by involving them 
with the Boeotians." d Thus, unless Herodotus is a 
malicious liar, the Spartans were malicious plotters, 
the Athenians were tricked like simpletons, and the 
Plataeans, far from being treated with goodwill and 
respect, were thrown down between the two parties 
as a possible pretext for war. 

a Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 426. 

& v. 102. 2. 

c Frag. Gr. Hist, iii a, no. 262, F. 10. 

d vi. 108. 1-3. 

5 Act KeBaifiovLOL /cat KaKor/Ocis E : /cat KaKorjOeLS Aa/c. B. 

51 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(861) 26. Kat prjv ttjv TravoeXrjvov rjSrj gck/mjjs i^eXrj- 
Aey/crat 1 AaKeSaijjLovLOJv KaTaifjevhopevos y r\v <f>r]OL 
rrepipevovTas avrovs els Mapadcova prj ftorjdrjcrai 
tols * AOrjvaiois . ov yap povov dXXas pvpias e£68ovs 
/cat paxas 7T€7TOLrjvrai pLrjvos loTapevov , prj rrepi- 
F pbeivavTes ttjv TravaeXrjvov , aAAd /cat Tavrrjs rrjs 
pudx^s, €kttj 2 HorjSpoptcovos loTapuevov yevopevrjs, 
oXiyov aireXel^Qrjoav , ware /cat dedoaodai tovs 

VZKpOVS €7TeX66vT€S* €77" t TOV TOTTOV . dAA' OpOJS 

ravra rrepl rrjs TravoeXrjvov yeypacfrev, " dSvvara 8e 

G(f)l TO TTapCLVTlKOL* 7TOL€€LV TCLVTa, OV fiovXopL6VOLOL 

Xvecv tov vopov T\v yap loTapevov tov pbrjvos ivaTrj 5 ' 
ivaTT] 8e ovk e^eXevoeodai ecfracrav, ov* TrXrjpeos 
eovTos tov kvkXov. ovtol pev ovv ttjv TravaeXrjvov 

V f> 

epevov. 

Zu 8e 7 peTacfrepeis ttjv TravoeXrjvov els dpxrjv 

pbrjvos €K Sixoprjvias, 8 /cat tov ovpavov opov /cat tcls 

rjpuepas /cat rrdvTa rrpdypaTa ovvTapdooeis . /cat 

862 Tct 9 Trjs f EAAaSo9 errayyeXXopievos ypdcfreiv ws pr) 

1 cfeArjAeyKTcu E : efeA^Ae/crat B. 

2 €kttj Reiske : e/<rr)s. 

3 ineXdovres Abresch : iireXdovras (letter blotted in E). 

4 g</)l to TrapavTiKa E : o(f>tv roTrapavriKa B. 

5 ivaTTj added by Xylander (cf. Herodotus, vi. 106) : 
omitted in mss. 

6 ov] fir) ov Herodotus. 

7 Se B : lacuna of 4 letters in E. 

8 €K SixofJLrjvlas Wyttenbach : oixofx-qvlas (but E may have 
short lacuna before 8.) : hixo^vias ovorjs Leonicus : hixo^vias 
ovoav Reiske : ofioav bixowvias Bernardakis. 

9 ra] ravra ra, Wyttenbach. 

a vi. 106. 3. 

6 The ban on leaving before the full moon perhaps applied 
only in this particular month, the Spartan month Carneius 

52 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861-862 

26.^Again, it has been shown clearly that he is 
maligning the Spartans when he says that they were 
waiting for the full moon and that this was why they 
did not go to the help of the Athenians at Marathon. 
Not only have the Spartans gone out and fought 
battles in the first part of the month on countless 
other occasions without waiting for the full moon, 6 
but they narrowly escaped being in time for this 
battle, which took place on the sixth day of the month 
Boedromion, so narrowly in fact that they saw the 
dead unburied when they reached the battlefield.^ 
Even so, this is what he has written about the full 
moon : " It was impossible for them to do so im- 
mediately, as they did not want to violate the law ; 
it was early in the month, the ninth day, c and they 
said they would not go out on the ninth day, the 
moon not being full. The Spartans, therefore, were 
waiting for the full moon." d 

But what are you doing ? You shift the full moon 
from the middle of the month to the beginning, turn- 
ing the heavens and the calendar and everything else 
upside down ; and this when you claim to be writing 
the history of Greece so that it shall not lack fame ! 

(c/. the notes of Legrand and of How and Wells on Hero- 
dotus). 

c Plutarch appears to believe that the Spartans are talking 
in terms of the Athenian month Boedromion instead of their 
month Carneius. Since each state adjusted the errors of its 
calendar independently, it does not follow that the two 
months corresponded and we can never be sure of the pre- 
cise relation between the day of the month and the state of 
the moon. 

d vi. 106. 3. Plutarch would prefer the more edifying 
account of Marathon given by Isocrates, Panegyric, 86-87, 
according to which the Spartans set out in haste but were still 
not in time for the battle. 

53 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(862) a/cAca yevrjTat, 1 ecnrovSaKcbs 8e rrepl ra? \A6rjvas 
8ia<f)€p6vTa>s , ovSe ttjv rrpos "Aypas ttojjl7T7]v Ioto- 
prjKas, rjv 7rejJi7TovGLV en. vvv rfj €KT7j 2 yapioTr\pia 
rfjs vlkt]s ioprd^ovres. 

'AAAa tovto ye [iorjOei rep 'HpoSora) rrpos eKelvrjv 
ttjv SiafioXrjv rjv ex^> KoXaKevaas tovs ' AOiqvaiovs 
dpyvpiov ttoXv Xafielv Trap* clvtwv. el yap dveyvco 
ravT 'Adrjvaiois, ovk dv elaaav ovhe. rrepielhov 
evdrrf rov QiXiTnTlSrjv rrapaKaXovvTa AafccSat- 
B pLovlovs €77t rr)v p^dyrpt Ik rrjs f^dxrjs yeyevrjpievov, 
kcli tolvtol SevTepcuov els TiTrdprrjv e£ 'Adrjvwv, d>s 
clvtos (f>rjcriv, d<f)iypLevov el pur) /xera to viKfjvai 
tovs TroXepblovs 'Adrjvcuoi pier en epmovTO tovs ovp,- 
pbd-xpvs . on pLevroL SeVa rdXavra Sojpedv eXafiev 
e£ 'Adrjvcbv *Avvtov* to iprj(f)Lo~pLa ypdifjavTos, dvrjp 
'AOrjvcuos, ov to)v TTaprjpbeXrjpievojv ev loTopia, Ai'uA- 
Xos elprjKev. 

y ArrayyelXas 8e ttjv ev Mapa6a>vL ptdxrjv 6 *Hpo- 
Sotos *** 5 ojs jtxev ol irXeloTOi Xeyovai, kclI twv 
veKpwv Tip dpiBpLcp KadetXe Tovpyov. ev£ap,evovs 

1 (hs fir) a/cAca yivrjrai L. P. (from Herodotus, proem) : 
lacuna of 18-22 letters in mss. : rd twv fiappdpcov iiraipeis rep 
Xoya) Turnebus. 

2 €Krrj Valckenaer : 'E/oiTfl. 

3 evdrrj Wyttenbach : ivayrj. 

4 'Avvtov Basel edition, Turnebus : dvrl rod. 

5 No lacuna is marked in mss. but something is evidently 
missing, e.g. avapiOfirJTwv fiapfidpaiv (f>ov€vd€vrcov. 

° The mss. read " to Hecate " but the change is easy (see 
critical note). The annual sacrifice in thanksgiving for 
Marathon was made to Artemis Agrotera on the 6th of 
Boedromion (cf. Mor. 349 e and Aristotle, Constitution of 
Athens, 58. 1). Plutarch takes this to be the actual date of 
the battle ; but the date is not reconcilable with the story as 

54 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862 

And despite your special concern for Athens you have 
not even mentioned the procession to Agrae, which 
they still celebrate on the sixth a as a festival of 
thanksgiving for their victory. 

Here, at least, is a point which supports Herodotus 
against the charge that he received a large sum of 
money from the Athenians in return for his flattery 
of them. If he had read this account to the Athe- 
nians, they would not have let it pass and would not 
have tolerated his story of Philippides summoning the 
Spartans to battle on the ninth (when the battle was 
over), especially since, as he says himself, Philippides 
reached Sparta the day after he had left Athens b — 
unless indeed the Athenians waited until the victory 
was won before they sent for their allies. And yet 
the story that he received a gift of ten talents from 
Athens, on the proposal of Anytus, comes from an 
Athenian, Diyllus, who is quite a well-known his- 
torian. 

At the end of his account of the battle of Marathon 
Herodotus further detracts from the victory when he 
gives the numbers of the dead. According to the 
usual version the barbarians killed were beyond 

told by Herodotus, unless the calendar is so badly out of order 
that the calendar month bears no relation to the lunar month. 
Cf. W. P. Wallace, J.H.S. lxxiv (1954), p. 35. The usual 
solution is to suppose that this day was made the conventional 
day of commemoration because the sixth day of each month 
was sacred to Artemis, and that the battle took place in the 
middle of the preceding month or even earlier. The matter 
has been much discussed. See, e.g., Hauvette, Herodote, 
pp. 104-105, 269-270 ; Jacoby, J.H.S. lxiv (1944), p. 62. 

b vi. 105-106. Philippides, as given in the mss., not 
Pheidippides, is almost certainly the correct form of the 
name. 

c Frag. Gr. Hist, ii a, no. 73, F. 3. 

55 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(862) ydp (jxioi 1 rovg ' Adrjvalovs rfj 'AypoTepa Qvae.iv 

yip^dpovs ooovs dv rwv fiapfSapoov KarafidAajoiv, 

C €ira jjl€tcl rrjv pudyr\v , dvapi9[JLov ttAtjOovs rd)v ve- 

Kptbv dva<f>avevros y TTapairelodai i/jrj(f)iofjLaTi rrjv 

0€OV, OTTOJS KOL0' €KOLOTOV iviOLVTOV OL7Todva)(Jt 7T€VTa- 

Kooias ra>v yip.apu)v. 

27. Ov jJLTjv aAAa tovt edoavres iScu/xev ra 2 /xera 
rrjv \idyr\v " rfjcn, Se AoirrfjoL," (frrjoiv, 3 " ol fidp- 
jSapoi e^avaKpovadpkvoiy kolI dvaAafiovres €K rfjs 
vtjgov ev rfj* eAtrrov ra i£ 'Eperpn^ avSpa7roSa, 
rrepieTrAeov Hovviov, fiovAopuevoi <f)6rjvai rovg 'Adrj- 

VaLOVS d(f)lKOlJL€VOL 5 €LS TO CLGTV atTLTJ Se €0")(€V 6 

'AOrjvoLLOiai e£ ' AAKpueajviSeajv pLrjxavrjs avrovs 
tolvtcl imvorjOrjvaL' tovtovs yap ovvOefievovs tolgl 
YleporjGLV dvaoet^ai dom'Sa eovoiv yjSr) iv rfjat 
vrjVGL 7 ' ovtol [lev or) TTepierrAeov ^Lovviov ." ivravda 
D to fjiev tovs 'Eperpteas* dv8pdrro8a irpooenrelv, oxire 
roXfiav 'EAAt^cov ovSevos ovre ^>i\oTi\xiav ivoee- 
orepav rrapaoxofJievovs «al rraOovras dvd^ia rrjs 
dperfjs, d(f)€io9a)' Sia/?e/3A?7/xeV6ov 8e rcbv 'AAac/xcoj- 
wStov, 8 ev ols ol pLeyioroi re rcov olkqjv kol ooKifia)- 

1 </>am Meziriacus : <f>-qoi. 

2 rd added by Turnebus, not in mss. 

3 XoLnfjcn, (f>r]OLv Bernardakis : Xonrrjoiv. 

4 rfj Turnebus : avrfj. 

6 d<f>LKOfjL€voL Reiske : d<f>LKOfi€vo . (without accent) E : d<j>- 

lKOfJi€VOVS B. 

6 air Ir) oe eoxev Turnebus (mss. of Herodotus vary between 
alriT) oe €ax € i v ) an( i oItLt^v ok eox^v iv) : alrLTjv Se eoxov. 

7 eovoiv . . . v7)V(ji B : iovGL . . . vavaiv E. 

e 

8 'AA«:/x€cuyi8a>y E : 'AA/c/xata>yiSaiv B. 

° This translation assumes that something is lost from the 
text (see critical note). The reading of the mss. would have 

56 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862 

counting a ; and they say that the Athenians pro- 
mised Artemis Agrotera that they would sacrifice a 
goat to her for every barbarian killed ; and then, after 
the battle, when the immense number of the dead 
became apparent, they passed a resolution asking the 
goddess to release them from their vow on condition 
that they sacrificed five hundred goats every year. 5 
27. However, suppose we let this pass and see what 
comes after the battle : " With their remaining 
ships," he says, " the barbarians put to sea, and taking 
on board the slaves from Eretria from the island 
where they had left them they sailed round Sunium 
with the intention of reaching the city before the 
Athenians. I And the accusation was current in 
Athens that tKis move was planned as the result of an 
intrigue with the Alcmaeonids. They are supposed 
to have reached an understanding with the Persians 
and to have flashed a shield signal to them after they 
had boarded the,ir ships. And so the Persians sailed 
round Sunium." c Now I will let it pass that he calls 
the Eretrians slaves, though they had shown as much 
bravery and patriotism as any of the Greeks and had 
suffered a fate worse than their courage deserved ; 
and his slander of the Alcmaeonids, whose number in- 
cluded the greatest families and the most distinguished 

to mean " as most people agree, Herodotus has spoiled the 
story by what he says," which implies that there was an ex- 
tensive critical literature on Herodotus ; and this can hardly 
be right. Herodotus says that 6400 barbarians were killed 
(vi. 117). This is apparently not enough to satisfy Plutarch ; 
later authors gave much higher figures — 200,000 according 
to Justin (ii. 9. 20). 

b This story appears, with slight variations, in Xenophon, 
Anabasis, iii. 2. 12, Scholiast to Aristophanes, Knights, 660, 
and Aelian, Varia Hist, ii. 25. 

c vi. 115. 

57 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(862) tcltol tcov dvSpcov rjoav, iXdrrajv Xoyos' avarl- 
rpaTTrat Se rrjg vikt)s to pbeyedos /cat to TeXos els 
ovSev r\K€i tov Trepifioryrov KCLTopOcbfJiaTOS, oi>8' 
dycov tls k'oLKev ovS* epyov yeyovevai tooovtov, 
dXXd TTpooKpovapLa 1 jSpa^u toZs fiapfidpois diro- 
fiaoiv (coorrep ol 8iaovpovT€s /cat fiaoKaivovTes 
Xeyovoiv) y el /xera ttjv \^dyy\v ov c\>evyovoi KoifjavTes 
E tcl TreiojjLaTa tcov vecov, tco cpepovTi TrpoocoTaTCO ttjs 
'Attiktjs dvejjLcp rrapaSovTes avTovs, dXX cupeTai 
p,ev doTrls avTols Trpohooias orjpLelov s eTMrXeovoi 
8e tolZs 'AOrjvais eXiri^ovTes alprjoeiv, /cat kcl9' 
y)ovyiav Hovviov KapuftavTes virepaicopovvTai OaA^- 
pcov 2 ol Se rrpcjToi /cat So/ct/xcoraTot tcov dvSpcov 
Trpo8i$6aoLv 3 dneyvcoKOTes ttjv 7t6Xiv. /cat yap diro- 
Xvcov voTepov 'AA/c/zeaWSas- 4 eTepois ttjv TTpohooiav 
dvoLTidrjOLV' " dvehel^dr] pcev yap dorrls, /cat tovto 
F ovk eoTiv aAAcos enreiv, cprjotv avTOS locov. tovto 
8' dpff\yavov piv rjv yeveodai, vevtKrjKOTCov /cara 
KpaTos 1 tcov 'AOrjvaLcov yevopuevov 8' ovk dv vtto 
tcov fiappdpcov avvcotf>6r], <f>vyfj /cat ttovco ttoXXco /cat 
Tpavpiaoi /cat fieXeoiv els Tas vavs eXavvopievcov /cat 
diroXiTTOVTCOv to x^plov, cos eKaoTos ra^ous" zlx ev - 
dXX OTav ye irdXiv virep tcov ' AXKpLecoviScov diro- 

1 7Tp6<jKpovofjLa] npoaKpovfjia Bernardakis. 

2 ® a \r)po)v] ®a\ripov in Herodotus. 

3 npoBihoaaLv Amyot, Reiske : lacuna of about 10 letters 
in mss. 

4 'AA/c/xc- E : 'AA/c/xat- B. This is the usual variation ; 
subsequent examples will not be noted. 

5 dXXcos Stephanus : dAA' <Ls. 

6 clvt6s] <bs clvt6s suggested by Wyttenbach. 

7 Kara Kpdros Aldine edition : KaraKparos* 
58 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862 

men, is a minor matter ; but the great edifice of 
victory collapses and the point of the famous exploit 
comes to nothing, indeed it seems not to be a battle 
at all or an action of any great importance, but a brief 
clash with the barbarians as they landed — just as the 
carping critics, who belittle the action, say a — when 
he denies that they take flight after the battle, cut- 
ting their ships' cables and entrusting themselves to 
the wind which will carry them as far as possible 
from Attica, when he says that a shield is raised as a 
traitor's signal to them and they set course for Athens 
expecting to capture it, & and that after rounding 
Sunium at their ease they lie in wait off Phalerum 
while the most distinguished leaders in Athens are 
prepared to betray the city in despair. Even later on, 
when he is acquitting the Alcmaeonids of treason, he 
charges others with it ; because " a shield signal was 
given," he says, " and there is no way of denying 
it " c (no doubt he saw it himself !). Yet it is impos- 
sible that such a thing could have happened, if the 
Athenians had won a decisive victory ; and if the 
signal had been given, it would not have been seen 
by the barbarians as they were driven in flight to the 
ships in great distress under a rain of blows and 
missiles, each man doing his best to get away as fast 
as he could. Elsewhere, however, he makes a pre- 
tence of defending the Alcmaeonids, dropping these 

° Perhaps the most famous of these was Theopompus, who 
complained that Athenian propaganda had exaggerated the 
achievement of Marathon (Frag. Gr. Hist, ii b, no. 115, 
F. 153). 

6 Plutarch maintained that the Persian ships were forced 
in the direction of Athens by the wind (Life of Aristeides, 
chap. v). 

c vi. 124. 2. 

59 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(862) XoyecadaL irpoGTroirfraXy fjuedels 1 a Trptoros dvdpco- 
ttcov eTrevr\voyev eyKX^jxara, kcli elrrrf " Ocbfia Se 
llol 3 kcll ovk ivSexofJLai tov \6yov y 'AA/c/xeaWSas" 
av TTore dvaSel^ai UeporjGiv £k GwdrjLLaros dom'Sa, 
fiovXoLievovs V7TO j3apj3dpoiGL re etvai ' Adrjvalovs 

Kal* V7TO lTTTTiri," KOLiLLaros TWOS dva/Xl/Xl^OTCOjLXGU 
TTapOLfJLlOLKOV' 

[JL€V€, KCLpKLV€, KCLI G€ jJLedrjGCO . 

tl yap euTTovociKas KaraXafieZv y el KaraXaficov LieO- 
863 teVat LieXXets ; kcll gv Karrjyopeis , eiT* aTToXoyfj* 
kclI ypdcf)€Ls kclt emcfravcov dvSpcov OLCLpoXds, as* 
irdXiv dvaipels, diriGroov Se 5 Geavrcp SrjXovori- 
GeavTov yap di<r]Koas Xeyovros * AXKLLeaivioas dva- 
Gyeiv aGTTioa veviKtjLLevois Kal cf>evyovGi rols /3ap- 
jSapots". Kal lltjv ev oh Trepl ' AXkll€qjvi8cov aTroXoyfj 
Geavrov aTTocjiaiveis GVKO(j)dvrr]v % el yap " puaXXov fj 
OLLoioos KaAAn^ rep <$>aiVL7T7Tov, \it7Tovlkov he narpi 
<f>aivovrai LLioorvpavvot eovres" cog evravda ypd- 
(j>eis, 'AA/c/xeaWSat, ttov drjoeis avrcov eKetvr]v rrjv 
GVvcoLLOGiav rjv ev tols TTpcjTois yeypa(f>as ; cog eiri- 
B yaiLiav TroirjooLLevoc TleiGLOTpdra) Karrjyayov avrov 
diro rrjs (fivyrjs eirl rrjv rvpavvioa Kal ovk av 6 e^rjXa- 

1 TTpOOTTOLTJTai, piedels L. P. I TTpOOTTOlTJTai TumebllS I 77/30(7- 

7Toiovii€vos Stephanus : 77poo770ia>/ze#a. 

2 Kal €i7rr) (or €ltt7) he) L. P. : elixr\ Wyttenbach : eh). 

3 0d>)ua (or Ocbv/jLa) he /xot Turnebus (as in Herodotus) : 
acuna of 10 letters in mss. 

4 povAofjuevovs i>7t6 fiapfiapoioi re etvai 'Ad. Kal Turnebus (as in 
Herodotus) : PovXopLevovs ye etvai 'A0. 

5 he] ye Wyttenbach : 817 suggested by Bernardakis : 
tivi he; Reiske. 

60 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862-863 

charges — which he was the very first man to bring 
against them — and he says : "It is amazing to me, 
and I cannot accept the story, that the Alcmaeonids 
would ever have made a pre-arranged shield signal to 
the Persians, with the intention that the Athenians 
should be made subject to the barbarians and to 
Hippias." a Here I am reminded of a paroemiac 
verse : 

Just wait, crab, and I'll let you go free. 6 

Why are you so anxious to make a catch, if you intend 
to let go once you have caught hold ? This is what 
you are doing : you make a charge, and then you 
speak in their defence ; you spread slanders against A 
distinguished men which you subsequently withdraw.. 
It must be because you don't trust yourself — because 
it is your own voice that you have heard saying that 
the Alcmaeonids raised a signal to the defeated and 
fleeing barbarians. UYes, when you defend the Alc- 
maeonids you reveal yourself as a malicious accuser ; 
because, if they are " clearly enemies of tyranny^just 
as much as (or more than) Callias, the son of Phaenip- 
pus and father of Hipponicus, ,, as you write in this 
passage, I Jiow will you interpret that conspiracy of 
theirs which you described the first time you men- 
tioned them ? You said that they reinstated Peisis- 
tratus in his tyranny after his exile, so as to establish 
a marriage connection with him, and would not have 

a vi. 121. 1. 

6 " Paroemiac " may refer to the metre (the tag end of a 
hexameter) or it may mean " proverbial," i.e. the verse may 
be a traditional saying attributed to some animal — possibly 
" what the snake said to the crab." For scraps of verse re- 
lating to the fable of the crab and the snake see Diehl, 
Anth. Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 184. 

6 6iv] Reiske would delete or else change ecos to cl firj. 

61 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(863) crav clv9ls, ea>s Siej8Ary0rj Trapavopicos rfj yvvaiKt 
pLLyvvfievos. 

Tolvtol jjbev ovv tololvtols e^et rapa^ds' iv fiecra) 
yap 1 rrjs 'AA/c/xeouviScov 8iaf3oAf)s koll vrrovoias rols 
KaAAiou rov <£>(uvi7T7Tov x/o^cra/xevo? erraivoLS kcli 

TTpOGOLlfjOLS aVTtp TOV VLOV 'I7T7TOVLKOV, OS TjV Kdd* 

'HpdSorov iv tols ttAovgicotoltois 'Adrjvaicov, a>/xo- 
Xoyrjoev otl pb7]8ev tojv Trpaypbdrcxjv Seo/xevcov, dXXd 
depa7T€iq koll yapiTi rod *\ttttovlkov tov KaAAtav 
irapevefiaXev , 2 

28. 5 E7rel 8' 'Apyelovs anavres laaoLV ovk airei- 
TTCLfjievovs tols "EAA^cri tt]v avp.p.aylav y rjyeloOaL Se 
Kara to 7][jllgv Trdarjs rrjs avfipLax^as 9 d£ LwoavTas , 

d)S aV (JLTj AaKeSaLfJiOVLOLS eX^LOTOLS /Cat TToXejJLLOJ- 

rdroLS ovgl ttolovvtcs del to TTpooraooofAevov 

eTTCDVTOLL, KOLL TOVT dXXoJS OVK TjV, OLLTLOLV KOLKOTjde- 

Grdrrjv VTTofidWeraL, ypdcfrcov, " inel 8e ofeas 
TrapaXapipdveLv* tovs "l&XXrjvas, ovtoj 5 Sr) iiTLOTa- 
jjievovs, otl ov fjL€ra8ojoovoL ttjs apx^js AaKeSai- 
[jlovlol, fieroLLTeeLV, Iva inl npocfrdoecos r^ovyloLV 
aytouL." tovtcov 8' vorepov dvapLvrjoal <f>r)OLV 
9 Apra^eptjrjv 6 dvafidvTas els Soucra irpeofieLS 9 Ap- 
yelojv 3 KaKelvov elirelv ojs " ov8epLLav vojjlll^ol ttoXlv 
"Apyeos (/>LXLOjreprjv "■ effl* vireLTTajv, ojoTrep etcode, 
koll dva8v6fJL€vos ovk eiSeVai <j>7]ol 7T€pl TOVTOJV 

1 iv fjiiaa) yap L. P. : fiera^v Se Bernardakis : lacuna of 
about 12 letters in E : lacuna of 8 letters after 'AA/c/x€covt8a>v 
in B. 

2 irapevipaXev Reiske : 7ra/>ejSaAe»>. 

3 rjyeloOaL Se Kara to TjfAiav Traces rrjs avfifiax^as (or : Aa#ee- 
Baifioviois Se TpiaKOVTOvriv clprjvrjv OTreiaapiivovs rfyeladai Kara, ro 
fnxiov rrdGTjs rrjs avfifiaxias) added by Bernardakis, following 
Reiske : no lacuna marked in mss. 

4 TrapaXaixfiaveiv Reiske (as in Herodotus) : /caraAa/AjSavei. 

62 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 863 

driven him out again, until the charge came up that 
he was having abnormal sexual relations with his 
wife. a 

IThus we see how his story is full of inconsistencies ; 
he suspects and slanders the Alcmaeonids, and fol- 
lows this with praise of Callias, the son of Phaenippus ; 
and he adds the name of Callias' son Hipponicus, who 
was one of the wealthiest men in Athens in the time 
of Herodotus b — a clear admission that he introduced 
Callias not because he had any place in the story, but 
simply to please and flatter Hipponicus. 

28. Again, everyone knows that the Argives did 
not refuse to fight on the Greek side, but were pre- 
pared to do so if the Spartans would grant them a 
half-share in the command c ; they did not want to be 
subordinate to the Spartans, their bitterest enemies, 
and continually subject to their orders. There was 
no way of denying this, but he trumps up a thoroughly 
malicious explanation of their conduct. He writes : 
" When the Greeks asked their help, they made this 
request for a share in the command knowing perfectly 
well that the Spartans would not grant it, so as to have 
a pretext for remaining aloof." d And he says that 
in later years some Argive emissaries to Susa re- 
minded Artaxerxes of their behaviour and he told 
them " he regarded no city as a firmer friend than 
Argos." e Then he adds — withdrawing in his usual 
fashion — that he has no certain knowledge in these 

a i. 60-61 (c/. 858 c above). 

b One of the generals in 427-426 b.c. (Thuc. iii. 91.4). See 
also Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica, 7658. 

c The text here has been reconstructed on the basis of 
Herodotus, vii. 148. 4. d vii. 150. 3. e vii. 151. 

6 ovtco Turnebus : avrcj. 
6 'Apraiepgrjv] 'Aproidpfyv Herodotus mss. 

63 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(863) arpeKetos, elSevai 8' on iraoiv av6pa)7Toi$ iorlv 
D iyKArjfjLara, " /cat ovk 'Apyetotaty atcr^tora 7T€7TOi7]- 
rat. 1 eyoj 8e Xeyeiv d</>et'Aa> 2 ra Xeyofieva, Tretde- 
adal ye fjirjv ov iravraTTaoi d<£et'Aa>, 3 /cat jjlol to eiros 
tovto e^eVco €9 iravra rov Adyov. eVet /cat ravra 
Aeyerat, ojs apa 'Apyetot rjoav oi eVt/caAeaa/xevot 
rov Y\epcrr]v €77 1 ttjv 'EAAaSa, €7T€tSrj o(f)LV irpos 

TOVS AaK€§0UlJLOVLOVS KOLKCtiS rj od^lXT] €OTT)K€€, 7TaV* 

Sf) fiovAofJLevoi o(f>ioi zlvai 77pd 5 rfjs 7Tapovar)s 
AvTrrjs." 

*Ap' ovv oi>Xy oirep avros rov AWlo7tol (frrjoi 77/309 

E 7a fivpa 6 /cat ttjv 7Top(/)vpav eiTTtlv, d>s SoXepd fjuev 

7a ^ptjuara 7 SoAepa Se ra etp,ara rcov Tlepoetuv 

€OTL, TOVT O.V TLS €t770t 7TpOS CLVTOV, J)£ SoAepa fJL€V 

rd prjixara SoAepa Se ra oyr\\Lovra rcov 'Hpohorov 
XoyojVy 

eAt/cra Kovoev vyies aAAa ttclv 7rept£, 

a)07T€p ol ^ojypdc/)OL tol Xafirrpd rfj ovcta rpavorepa 
7TOLOVOLV, ovrco rats dpvrjcreoi rds SiafioXas eVtTet- 
vovros avrov /cat rds virovoias rat? dp^t/JoAtat? 
j3advT€pas ttoiovvtos ; 'Apyecoi 8' ort /zev ov ovv- 
apd/xevot rols "EAAr^atv, aAAa Std ttjv rjyefAoviav 
F /cat rr)S dperrjs Aa/ceSatp,ovtot9 8 eKaravres, Karrj- 

1 7T€7TOL7)Tai Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : 7T€7roir)vTai. 

2 Aeyeiv ofclXto] ofeiXw Xeyeiv Herodotus. 

3 rd Aeyd/zeva, TTtideoQai ye p,r)v ov TravTaTram d^ei'Aco, added 
by Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : no lacuna marked in mss. 

4 ioTrjKte, nav Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : €gttjk€v et . . . 
(lacuna of 4 letters). 

5 o<f>Loi (or : o<f>i) elvai npo Reiske (as in Herodotus) : o</>i 
7Tpo€ivai Wyttenbach : o<f>icn Trpootivcu. 

6 jxvpa B : fxvpa E. 

7 xpfaa™ Hadzidakis, Naber (c/. Clement of Alexandria, 

64 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 863 

matters, but he does know that complaints can be 
made against everyone and " the Argives are not the 
worst offenders ; and for my own part I am bound to 
report the current accounts, but not to believe in 
them absolutely ; and this statement of mine must be 
considered as applying to all my history. Indeed 
there is another version which represents the Argives 
as inviting the Persian king into Greece, because their 
man-power had been sorely depleted in war with the 
Spartans and they supposedly preferred any alterna- 
tive to their present unhappy state/' a 

Might one not suitably apply to Herodotus himself 
the remark that he puts in the mouth of the Ethio- 
pian ? In reply to the offerings of perfume and purple 
clothing Herodotus makes him say : " Full of guile are 
the unguents and full of guile are the Persian gar- 
ments." b So one might say of him : " Full of guile 
are the statements and full of guile the whole treat- 
ment of history in Herodotus, 

All twisted, no health anywhere, twining all about." c 

Just as painters set off the highlights by contrast with 
shadow, so he intensifies the violence of his slanders 
by denials and, by casting doubt on them, he deepens 
the suspicions which he arouses. _ Now it is impossible 
to deny that the Argives brought shame on Heracles 
and their noble ancestry when they refused to co- 

a vii. 152. 3. 

6 iii. 20-22. The retort is slightly elaborated by Plutarch, 
as on the other occasions when he quotes it (Mor. 270 e and 
646 b). c Euripides, Andromache, 448. 

Stromateis, p. 344) : x e ^ aTa (but in Mor. 270 e and 646 b 
mss. have ^pco/Liara) : aAet/Lt/xara Turnebus. 
8 AaKcSaifxoviois E : Aa/ceSaijUovioi B. 
VOL. XI D 65 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(863) axvvav 1 rov 'Hpa/cAea /cat rrjv evyeveiav, ovk eoriv 

aVT€L7T€lV. 2 VTTO* Hl(j)VLOlS yap TjV Kdl KvOvLOLS 4, 

djieivov eXevdepovv tovs "EAA^vas r) HrrapTLdrats 
<f>iXoveiKovvras vrrep dpx^js eyKaraXnrelv tooovtovs 
koll tolovtovs dycovas . el 8' avrol rjoav oi em- 
KaXeodpievot rov Yleparjv errl rrjv 'EAAaSa Sia rrjv 
KCLKtos eorcooav avroZs alxp^jv irpos Aa/ccScu/zo- 
viovs, 7tcos ovk ifJLrjSi^ov dva(f)av8dv tjkovtos ouS', 
el (jltj avorpareveiv efiovXovro jSacrtAet, ttjv yovv 

AaKOJVLKTjV VTToXeiTTOlXeVOl KOLKCOS €7TOLOVV, Tj QvpeaS 

tjtttovto TrdXtv r) rporrov aXXov avreXapifidvovTO Kal 
864 7rapr)va)xXovv AaKe8aijJiovLOLS , \ieya /3Xdif;ai 8vvd- 
puevoi tovs "JZXXrjvas , el 5 pur) TraprjKav els IIAaTCuas' 
eKeivovs eKarparevoai tooovtols oTrXirais; 

29. 'AAA 5 'Adrjvauovs ye fieydXovs evravda ra> 
Xoycp 7T€7Tolt]K€ Kal aojrrjpas dvrjyopevKe rrjs 'EAAa- 
80s ' opdcos ye TToidv Kal 8iKaia>s, el fir) 7roXXd Kal 
jSAaa^/za rrpoorjv rols erraivois. vvv 8e irpo8o- 
drjvai [xev dv Xeya>v vtto tcov dXXa)v 'EXXrjvajv 
AaKe8aLjJLovLovs, " pLovajdevras 8' dv Kal aTroSe^a- 
pievovs 6 epya pueydXa drrodavelv yevvaiojs, r] rrpo rov- 
rov opcovras Kal tovs dXXovs 7 "EXXrjvas pLrj8it,ovTas 
ofioXoyLT)* dv xprjoaodai rrpos Eep^ea/' 8rjX6s ecrrcv 
ov tovto 9 Xeyojv els rov 'AOrjvaiuiv erraivov, dXX 

1 Karrjaxwav Reiske : Karrjaxwav dv. 

2 OVK €OTLV dvT€L7T€LV E I OuS' €OTLV dvT€l7T€W (before KdTrj- 

Gxvvav) B. 

3 v7to added by Wyttenbach : ovv Meziriacus. 

4 Kvdvlois B : Kwdlois E. 5 et Bernardakis : rj. 

6 anooegatievovs Wesseling, following Reiske (as in Hero- 
dotus) : VTrooz^afxivovs. 

7 tovs dXXovs Reiske (as in Herodotus) : tovs. 

8 SfjLoXoy LTj B : OfJLoXoyOLTj E. 

9 tovto Turnebus : tovtovs- 
66 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 863-864 

operate with the Greeks, letting the Spartans take 
from them their title to valour since they insisted on 
taking the lead. It would have been better to win 
Greek freedom following the lead of Siphnians and 
Cythnians, a than to default in such great struggles 
because of their quarrel with the Spartans over the 
command. But if it was they who actually invited the 
Persian invader into Greece because their army had 
been crippled in their war with the Spartans, why did 
they not medize openly when he came ? And, if they 
did not want to serve in the king's army, why did they 
not at least plunder Laconia when they stayed behind 
or seize Thyrea again b or do something else to harass 
the Spartans and impede their operations ? They 
could have done great damage to the Greek cause, if 
they had prevented the Spartans from marching out 
to Plataea with such a large number of hoplites. 

29. But, it will be said, at least he has glorified the 
Athenians in his narrative at this point, and he calls 
them the saviours of Greece. Yes, he does, and 
rightly and properly so, except that he qualifies his 
expressions of praise with many slanderous state- 
ments. He says that, " as the situation was," the 
Spartans would have been betrayed by the rest of the 
Greeks and " left alone they would have performed 
great deeds of valour and died heroically, or else 
they would have come to terms with Xerxes before 
that, when they saw all the other Greeks medizing." c 
Now it is evident that he does not speak like this in 
order to praise the Athenians, but rather he praises 

a Typically insignificant Greek cities (small island states 
in the Aegean). 

b Border territory, constantly in dispute between the 
Argives and the Spartans. 

c vii. 139. 

67 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(864) 9 f 

g 'AOrjVCLLOVS €TTCLIV<JL)V IVOL KCLK&S €LTT7] TOVS dAAoVS 

airavras. ri yap av tls en Svox^paivoi, 1 ©Tjfiaiovs 
del koll <$>a)K€as TTiKptos avrov Kal KaraKopcos e£- 

OVeihlt.OVTOS , 07TOV KCLL TCJV 7TpOKtv8vveVOaVTOJV V7T€p 

rrjs 'EAAaSos" ttjv yevopLevrjv fxev ov, yevopLevrjv 8' 
av, 2 (hs clvtos eLKa£ei, z KaTaiprj^Lt^eTat vrpohooiav; 
avrovs 8e AcLKeScufjioyiovs ev d8r)Aa) Oepuevos, eit- 
7)7r6pr](j€v elr eireoov av pbaxppievoi toZs TroAepiLois 
€lt€ 7rape8a)Kav iavrovs, puKpols ye vr) Ata re/c/x^- 
piois avrojv dmoTrjoas* rots rrepl Qepp,o7TvAas. 
C 30. AirjyovfJLevos 8e ovpsneoovvav vavayiav reus 
fiaaiAiKais vavol Kal on " ttoAAcov "xprjpbdra)v eKire- 
oovtojv, 'AjJLewoKArjs 6 Kp^TiVea* 6 Mdyvrjg dvrjp 
dxfyeArjdy) pceydAws, y^pvoia dcf)ara Kal ^/)7y/xaTa 6 
irepifSaA6p,evos ," ovoe tovtov 1 d8rjKTov 7raprJKev. 
aAA o fjiev raAAa, (prjoiv, ovk evrvyemv evpr\- 
fiaat fiey a ttAovgios eyevero' rjv yap tls Kal tovtov 
d\apis ovp,(f)oprj Avnevoa TratSocfrovos." 8 tovto p,ev 
ovv TravTL orjAov, otl Ta xP vaa XP r )l JLaTa KCLL ra 
evprjpLaTa Kal tov eKfipaooopLevov vtto tt)s OaAdoorjs 
ttAovtov e.Treior\yaye ttj loTopia -)(d)pav Kal tottov 
ttolojv, iv a> drjoeTat ttjv 'ApuewoKAeovs rraioo- 
<f>oviav. 

1 Irt Bvax^patvoi, Reiske : iinhvoxepaLvri. 

2 y€VOfJ.€V7jV fJL€V OV, y€VOfl€V7)V 8' O.V L. P. I OV y€y€V7]fJL€V7jV /Lt€V, 

y€vofjL€V7jv 8' av Meziriacus : ov y€vofi€vrjv 8' av. 

3 et/cafct Reiske : ci/cafot. 

4 amarrjcras E : aTroorrfaas B. 

5 KpTjTivea) Herodotus mss. : Kpqatvea). 

6 xP v °l a &<l>a>Ta Kal xPVI JLaTa ] Herodotus mss. vary between 
Xpvo€a xPVI xaTa ano * XPv° ea o><j>a.Ta xpTyuara. 

68 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864 

the Athenians in order to find fault with all the others. 
One can scarcely complain of his constant bitter and 
violent abuse of the Thebans and Phocians, when he 
attacks even those who stood in the forefront of battle 
for Greece, condemning them for an act of betrayal 
which they never perpetrated, but which he imagines 
they would have perpetrated. And he leaves it in 
doubt what the Spartans themselves would have done, 
wondering whether they would have fallen in battle 
with the enemy or given themselves up. Presumably 
he did not trust the indications of character which 
they gave at Thermopylae (were they so slight ?). 

30. When he describes the shipwreck which the 
king's fleet suffered, he says that many objects were 
cast up on the shore and that Ameinocles, son of 
Cretines, a man from Magnesia, profited greatly by 
acquiring a great quantity of gold and other articles. 
Even this man he has not allowed to escape the sharp 
point of his pen. " His finds made him very rich," 
he says, " but in other respects he was an unfortunate 
man ; he was afflicted with the terrible calamity of 
killing his own child." a Anyone can see why Hero- 
dotus brought up these details — the objects of gold 
and their discovery and how these riches were cast up 
by the sea ; it was simply in order to make a suitable 
place in his narrative to point out that Ameinocles 
killed his own son. 

° vii. 190. 

7 rovrov Meziriacus : rovro. 

8 tjv yap ns Kal rovrov a^a/ns ovfufropr) Xvrrcvoa 7raioo(f>6vos 
Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : rrjv yap ns Kal rovrov a^a/ns 
ovfi. . . . (lacuna of 16 letters) E : rrjv yap alriav Kal rovrov 
d\apLS ovp, . . . B. 

9 iravrl Stephanus : rxavrr). 

10 xPVI jLaTa Stephanus : pijfiara. 

69 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(864) 

p 31. ' ApiOTocjyavovs Se rod Bolcotov ypdipavros 

on xprJH<aTa fiev alrrjoas ovk e'Aa/?e napd Qrjfiaiajv, 1 

€7nx€tpa)v Se toZs veois hiaXeyeodai kcll ovoxoXd- 

t^iv V7TO rcov dpxdvrcov eKcoXvdrj Si' aypoiKiav 

avrcov kcll puaoXoyiav, dXXo piev ovSev eon re/c^- 

piOV 6 8' 'HpdSoTOS* Tip ' ApUJTO(/)dv€l fJL€jJLCLpTVp7]K€ , 

St' cov rd puev ifjevScos, rd Se 8ta koXclk€lclv, 2 rd Se 
cos [xlocov kcll Sta^epo/zeyos" rols QrjficLLois iy- 

K€KXr)K€ . 

QeaaaXovs fiev yap vtt* dvdyKrjs d7T0(f>aiverai 
E fj/qSlaat to TTpcorov, dXr]9fj Xeycov kcll irepl rcov 
dXXcov 'EAA771/6OV puavrevopbevos cos rrpoSovrcov dv 
AaKeSatpLovLovs VTrelirev cos " ox>x £kovtcov aAA' vtx* 
dvdyKrjs dXiOKOfJievcov Kara iroXeLS." ®rjf}aLois Se 
rrjs avrfjs dvdyKrjs ov SlScogl ttjv avrrjv ovyyvcbfirjv. 

KCLLTOL 7T€VTCLKOOLOVS [JL€V €LS T<X TefXTTT] KCLL MvCLjJLLCLV 

arparrjyov errepLifjav, els Se ®€pjjL07TvXas ooovs 

7)T7]CT€ AeCOVlSaS, OL KCLL fJLOVOL OVV ®€OTTl€VOL TTCLp- 
€fJL€lVCLV CLVTCp, TCOV dXXcOV aTToXlTTOVTCOV fJL€rd TTJV 
KVkXcOOLV. €TT€L Se TCOV TTCLpdhcOV KpCLTTJOCLS 6 j8a/)- 

F jSapos iv tols Spots rjv /cat ArjpLaparos 6 HrraprLdrrjs 

1 7rapa Qrjfialcjov Pletho (in paraphrase), Meziriacus : nap* 
'AdrjvaUov. 

2 Sia Ko\aK€iav Turnebus : Si' ayvoiav Meziriacus : SiajSdAcos 
Cobet : StajSaAAcov Bernardakis : Sid . . . (lacuna of about 
8 letters). 

° Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 379, F. 5. 

6 Text defective at this point (see critical note). 

c vii. 172. 1. * vii. 139. 3. 

70 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864 

31. Aristophanes the Boeotian has written that 
Herodotus was unsuccessful in asking the Thebans for 
money and that, when he tried to have conversations 
and discussions with their young men, he was pre- 
vented by their magistrates, because of their boorish- 
ness and hatred of learning.® Now there is no other 
evidence to support this statement of Aristophanes, 
except for the corroboration that Herodotus himself 
gives by his charges against the Thebans, which are 
full of lies and partiality for others, 6 showing his 
hatred and bitterness towards the Thebans. 

He maintains that the Thessalians, from the begin- 
ning, had no choice except to medize, c and here he is 
quite right ; and when he surmises that all the other 
Greeks would have betrayed the Spartans, he adds : 
" not willingly, but inevitably, as one city after an- 
other fell victim." d The same inevitable necessity 
faced the Thebans, but he does not show them the 
same consideration. The fact is, however, that they 
sent five hundred men, with Mnamias in command, 
to Tempe e and all the men that Leonidas requested 
to Thermopylae f ; and furthermore these were the 
only men, beside the Thespians, who stayed with 
Leonidas after the pass was turned, when all the 
others had left. When the Persians had gained con- 
trol of the passes and were on their borders, and the 
Spartan Demaratus/ who was on terms of friendship 

e No Theban contingent at Tempe is mentioned by Hero- 
dotus, but only Thessalian cavalry in addition to Spartan 
and Athenian hoplites (vii. 173. 2). Cf. Cloche, Thkbes de 
Beotie, p. 37. 

f Four hundred, according to Herodotus (vii. 202 ; 
205. 2). 

9 Exiled Spartan king, who accompanied Xerxes as coun- 
sellor. 

71 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(864) Sid £eyta? evvovs tbv y Arrayiva) 1 ra> TTpoearcjri TTys 
oXtyapxias 8i€7Tpd^aro <f>iXov fSaoiXitos yeviodai kcli 
$evov y oi 8' "EAA^ves iv rats vavalv rjoav, rre^fj 8' 
ovSels 7Tpoarj\avv€v y ovtoj TrpoaeSi^avro rag Sia- 
Xvaeis V7TO rfjs /JLeydXrjs dvdyK7)s iyKaraXr](f)devres 2 
ovre yap OdXaaaa Kal vrjes avrols Traprjoav <bs 
'AOtjvcllols, ovt dTTWrdra) kcltcokovv cbs Unap- 
riarai rrjs 'EAAaSos iv fivxQy ^os 8' 7]pbipas 6hov z 
Kal TjjJLLaeias dnexovri ra> Mt^So) avaravres em tcjv 
vrevcov Kal SLayajvLadfievoi fierd jjlovwv UnapTia- 
865 rwv Kal ®€G7tl€Ojv ryTvyv)oav . 6 Se avyypacfrevs 
ovtojs iorl SiKatos, ware " AaKehaipboviovs pbev /xo- 
vojdivras Kal yevofievovs cru/x/xa^cov iprjpLOVS rv^ov 
dv, " <f>7)oiVy " ofioXoylrj ^p^craa^at 4 7Tpos Eep^ea "* 
Qrjftaiois Se ravro Sia rrjv avrrjv dvdyKTjV iradovoi 
Xoioopeirai. to Se \iiyiOTov Kal KaXXtarov epyov 
dveXeiv jjlt] Svvrjdels a>s ov Trpax^ev avrols, atria 5 
<f>avXrj Kal virovoia SiaXviiatvofievos ravr eypa<f)€V 

" Oi [A€V VVV ^VfJLjJLaXOL 6 aTtOTT€\Xm6\L€VOl tpx oVTO ' T€ 

aTTLovres Kal iireldovTO AeojviSrj- QzoTTiies 1 Se Kai 

07yj8atot Karefi€Lvav jjlovvol rrapa Aa/ceSat/xovtotcri. 

B tovtojv Se QrjfiaioL /xev deKovres epuevov Kal ov 

ftovXojJLevoi' /carei^e ydp areas' AeajvcSrjs iv o/xt^- 

pOJV 8 XoyCp TrOL€VfJL€V09' ®€G7Tl€€S Se ll<6vT€S fJbd- 

1 'ArraytVai Pletho, Reiske (as in Herodotus) : 'A7rayiVa>. 
2 iyKaTaXj}(j>d€VT€s Wyttenbach : iyKaTa\€i<f>B£vT€s. 

72 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864-865 

with their oligarchic leader Attaginus ° as a former 
guest, had arranged for him to become the king's 
friend and guest — when the Greeks were in their 
ships and no land force was on the way — only then, 
under the stress of dire necessity, did the Thebans 
accept the king's terms. They had no sea and no 
ships in which to take refuge, like the Athenians, nor 
did they live far away in a remote corner of Hellas 
like the Spartans ; the king was only one and a half 
days' journey away when they rallied at Thermo- 
pylae and fought and fell with only the Spartans and 
Thespians for companions. And yet, though our his- 
torian is fair enough to admit that if the Spartans had 
been left alone and deserted by their allies they might 
have come to terms with Xerxes, when the Thebans, 
equally inevitably, face the same fate, he insults 
them. He could not undo their great and glorious 
deed or pretend that it never happened, but by im- 
plying that their motive was discreditable he took all 
the good out of it. These are his words : " So the al- 
lies, who were dismissed, went their way in obedience 
to Leonidas. Only the Thespians and the Thebans 
remained with the Spartans ; and of these the The- 
bans remained reluctantly ; they did not want to stay, 
but were retained by Leonidas who regarded them 
as hostages ; the Thespians, on the other hand, were 

° Herodotus describes how Attaginus entertained Mardo- 
nius and fifty prominent Persians to dinner with fifty Thebans 
in 479 b.c. (ix. 15. 4-16. 5). 

3 686v E : 6$a> B. 

4 xPV oao ^ aL Cobet : xPV G ^ a( " 

5 atria Wyttenbach tentatively : atrtj?. 

6 Reiske adds oi as in some mss. of Herodotus. 

7 ©eoWe? Basel edition : QcameZs. 

8 ofjLtjpcov Stephanus : ofi^pov. 

73 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(865) Aiora, ot ovSapbd 1 ecjyaoav airoXirfovres Aecovihr\v 2 
KCLi rovs jjuera rovrov 9 a7TaXXd£eo9ai."* 

EiV ov 8fj\6s ear iv Ihiav rivd Trpos Qrjfialovs 
excov opyrjv Kal hvopbeveiav, vcfS rjs ov jjlovov Sl- 
ejSaAe 5 ifjevbcos Kal clolkcos rrjv ttoXlv, aAA' ovSe rod 
TTiOavov rfjs SiaftoATJs ecfypovrtoev, ouS' ottcos avros 
eavrto rdvavrla Xeycov Trap* oXiyovs dvOpcorrovs 6 ov 
<f>avelrai ovveihcos ; - Trpoenrcov yap cos " 6 Aeco- 
C vihrjSy €7766 r rjodero tovs avfifiaxovs iovras airpo- 
Ovfiovs Kal ovk edeXovras ovyKivovveveiv , 7 KeXevaai* 
o<f)€as airaXXoLTTeodai," irdXiv /xer' oXiyov Xeyei 
tovs Qrjpacovs aKovras avrov Karaoxetv, ovs clkos 
r\v direXdaa^ /cat 10 f3ovXop,evovs rrapap^eveiv 3 el pur)- 
Si^euv air lav ef^ov. ottov yap ovk eSelro rcov pur] 
TrpoOvjjLOJV, ri xprjoipLov rjv dvap,epiixOaL fiaxopLevoLS 
dvOpcorrovs vttotttovs; ov yap $rj c/ypevas elxe 
roiavras 6 rcov H7rapriarcov fiaoiXevs Kal rfjs 
bjAAaoos rjyepicov, wore Karex^tv ev oprqpcov 
Xoycp " rols rpiaKooiois tovs rerpaKooiovs ottX 
exovras Kal rrpooKeip.evcov epmpooQev 7]8rj Kal 6m- 
oOev a/xa rcov rroXepiicov. Kal yap el rrporepov ev 
D opirjpojv Xoycp TToiovpievos rjyev avrov s, ev ye rots 
eoxo-TOis elKos tjv Kaipols eKeivovs re Aecoviha px)- 

1 ovSafid] ov Herodotus mss. 

2 AccovlStjv Stephanus (as in Herodotus mss.) : AeamS??. 

3 [Aero, rovrov] per avrov Herodotus mss. 

4 airaXXa^eodai Stephanus : airaXXd^aoOai. 

5 Sie/faAe Stephanus : SUfiXaipe. 

6 7rap* oXiyovs av9pu)7rovs]* Perhaps nap* oXtyois avSpajirois. 
Other emendations assume different syntax, e.g. Trap oXiyovs 
otlxovs Amyot : 7racn nap* oXiyovs av9pa)7Tois Herwerden : 
rrapa iraoiv oXiyov avOpcoTrrois Wyttenbach. 

7 ovyKivhvveveiv (as in Suda)] ovvhiaKivdvpeveiv or SiclklvSv- 
veveiv mss. of Herodotus. 

74 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865 

most willing to remain and said that they would 
never withdraw or desert Leonidas and his men." a 

Now it is clear — isn't it ? — that he has some perso- 
nal grievance and spite against the Thebans. And, 
in consequence, not only has he made wicked false 
accusations against their city, but he has not even 
taken the trouble to make his charges convincing ; 
nor has he realized that few men will fail to see how 
he is contradicting himself. He begins by saying that 
Leonidas, " when he recognized the lack of en- 
thusiasm among the allies and their reluctance to 
share the danger with him, 6 ordered them to with- 
draw " ; then a little later he says that Leonidas re- 
tained the Thebans against their will c — though it 
might be expected that he would drive them away, 
even though they wanted to remain, if they were 
suspected of medism. After all, when he needed only 
willing helpers, what was the use of having persons of 
doubtful loyalty mixed in with the fighters ? The 
mentality of the Spartan king and commander-in- 
chief of the Greeks was not such that he would retain 
these four hundred armed men " as hostages " among 
the three hundred, when the enemy was already 
attacking them from in front and from behind at the 
same time. In fact, even if at an earlier stage he took 
them along with him " as hostages," in the final ex- 
tremity it was likely that they would try to escape 

a vii. 222 (cf. 205. 3, which Plutarch might well have 
quoted). b vii. 220. 2. c vii. 222. 

8 /ceAeucrat Reiske : KtXevoas. 

9 drrcXdoai E : a-rreAacrat B : direXdodai Aldine edition (cf, 
869 b). 

10 /cat Basel edition : /cat firj. 

11 ofirjpojv E : ofjirjpov B (so also below). 

75 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(865) 8ev (frpovTLcravras a7raAAayrjvaL koll AetovuSav Seloai 

T7JV VTT* €K€LVOJV fJL&AAoV r) TCOV fZapfidpCDV KVkAoJGW. 

"Avev Se TovrcoVy ttojs ov yeAolos 6 AecovtSas, 
tovs jJLev dAAovs "EAA^vas ameVai 1 KeAevcov ws 
clvtlkcl fidAa TeOvrjtjopLevovs , 2 Qrjfiaiovs Se kcoAvcov 

d)S VTT* aVTOV (f)vAaTTOLVTO TOLS "EAArjOLV 0,77001^- 

OK€iv iieAAovros; el yap ws dArjdcos iv opbrjpojv 
Aoyco, fjbdAAov S' avftpaTToSajv , Trepifjye tovs dvSpas, 
ov Karex^tv axfreiAev avrovs fJierd rtov olttoAov- 
jjievojv, 3 aAAa rrapaSovvat rots amove c tojv 'EAArj- 

E vojv. o Se Aolttov rjv tcov alricov elrrelvy " loojs Se 
d7ToAovfJL€vovs A /care^e/' Ka ^ tovt dvrjprjKev 6 avy- 
ypacf)€vs, oh rrepl rrjs <f>iAoTipiias rod AecovlSov 
Kara Ae'^tv eiprjKe 6 ' " tclvtcl Se 6 817 e?riAeyo/zevov 
AeaWSea 7 koX fiovAopievov KaraOeoOai kA£os pbov- 
va>v s H7TaprLrjT€Cov d7ro7T€pn/jaL tovs ovpbpidxovs /xaA- 
Aov r) rfjoL yvcoprjcri 9 SievexQevTas ." virepfioAr) yap 
evrjdeias rjv, 779 aTrrjAavve So^rjs tovs ovpipdxovs 

F Karex^iv puede^ovras tovs rroAzpiovs . on roivvv 
ov 8t€j8ej8A7]To tols Qrj^aiOLS 6 AeojvuSas, aAAa Kal 
</)lAovs ivopuc^e fiefiaiovs, £k tcov rreTrpaypievcov $fj- 

1 a-mivai Reiske : airelvai. 

2 redvrj$oiJL€vovs] reOvrjioficvos Turnebus, Leonicus. 

3 dnoXovfxevcov Reiske : airoXXvixivoyv . 

4 dnoXovfidvovs Turnebus : a7ToAov[j,€va)v. 

5 €ipr)K€ Xylander : lacuna of 6-8 letters in mss. 

6 8c] re Reiske (as in Herodotus). 

7 AccoviSca] AeajvlSrjv mss. of Herodotus. 

8 fxovvcov] fiovvov all mss. of Herodotus except one. 

9 77701 yvcofirjot] yvtbfjLr) mss. of Herodotus. 

vii. 220. 4. 

6 Plutarch does not mention the possibility that the 400 

76 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865 

without a thought for Leonidas and that Leonidas 
would be more frightened of being cut off by them 
than by the barbarians. 

Apart from this, however, it is surely absurd to 
make Leonidas send the other Greeks away, because 
they will face certain death if they stay, but prevent 
the Thebans from leaving, so that he — who is going 
to be killed — can keep an eye on them for the Greeks. 
If he were really dragging these men round as hos- 
tages, or rather as slaves, he ought not to have retained 
them with the troops that faced certain death, but to 
have handed them over to the Greeks who left. The 
only other possible explanation — that he perhaps kept 
them so that they would be killed — has also been 
eliminated by the historian ; this is what he says of 
the patriotic ambition of Leonidas : " These were the 
ideas in the mind of Leonidas ; it was because he 
wanted the Spartans alone to have the glory that he 
sent the allies away, not because of any disagreement 
that they had with him." ° Stupidity could go no 
farther than to keep his enemies to share in the glory 
which he was denying to his allies. No ; the facts 
make it clear that Leonidas was not at odds with the 
Thebans, but regarded them as firm friends. b Indeed, 

Thebans were loyalist volunteers (Diodorus, xi. 4. 7, calls 
them " members of the opposing faction "), in which case 
they could not hope for any mercy at home if Thermopylae 
fell. Nor does he consider whether Thebes might be playing 
a double game, making a token contribution to the force of 
Leonidas in case the defence of Thermopylae might be, for 
a time at least, successful. But it is certainly true that bitter 
feelings at Athens in the early years of the Peloponnesian 
War have made Herodotus less than fair to the Thebans. 
The true story is by no means clear ; c/., e.g., the notes of 
Legrand and of How & Wells on vii. 222, and Cloche, 
Thebes de Beotie, pp. 37-40. 

77 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(865) Xov eon. /cat yap rraprjXOev els Qrjfias aytov to 
urpdrevfjia /cat Serjdels eTvyev ov pLrjSe els aAAo?, ev 
rep tepep KaraKOifJLrjdrjvai rov 'HpaKXeovs, /cat ttjv 
oi/jiv rjv elhev ovap 1 e^rjyyetXe rots 1 ®r}f$aiois' eSo^e 
yap ev daXdacrrj rroXvv exovorj /cat rpa^vv KXvScova 

TOLS €7TL(f)aV€GTdTa£ Kol pbeyLGTaS TToXeLS T7JS *EAA(X- 

80? avcofJLaXoJS Siacfrepecrdai /cat oaXeveiv, rrjv 8e 
®7]^aia>v V7TG.peyjz.lv ' re Traatov /cat pbereajpov dp- 
Orjvai rrpos rov ovpavov elr ei;ai(f)vr)s defravrj yeve- 
odai' /cat ravra p,ev rjv o/xota rot? vorepov xpovco 
rroXXto avfxrreaovGi rrepl rr)v 7t6Xiv. 
866 32. f 8' 'HpdSoTOS iv rrj St^y^cret rrjs f^dx^S 
/cat rod Aea>vl8ov rrjv pbeytarrjv rjfiavpojKe rrpa^tv, 

aVTOV 7T€G€IV TTaVTaS €L7TOJV €V TOLS OT€VOIS TT€pl TOV 

K.oXa>vov €7Tpdx0rj 8' dXXa)s. €7ret yap errvdovro 

VVKTOJp TTJV 7T€pLo8oV TQJV TToXepLLWV, dvadTaVTeS 

€/3aSt£ov errl to Grpar6rre8ov /cat rrjv oKrjvr)v oXiyov 
Setv 2 fiaoiXeoJS , ojs eKelvov avrov drroKrevovvres /cat 
rrepl e/c€tVa> reOvrj^ofJievoL' ^XP L ^ v °^ v T V^ crKr )" 
vrjs del rov epuToSajv (j)ovevovres > rovs 8' aXXovs 
rperrofjievoL rrporjXOov errel 8' oi>x evpiGKero 'Rep^rjs, 
B ^rjrovvres ev p,eydXco /cat a^avet arparevpLari /cat 
TrXavebpLevoL /xdAts vrro rebv fiapfidpajv rravraxoOev 
TrepLXvdevrojv 8te(f)ddpr]crav. ocra 8' d'AAa rrpos 
rovrcp ToXfJLrjfJLaTa /cat pr\[iara rcov HrrapTiarajv 
rrapaXeXoirrev, 3 ev ra> Aea>vi8ov j8ta> ypa(j>rjoerai* 

1 ovap] *Hpav Aldine edition. 

2 oXiyov Setv] Reiske would omit. 

3 TrapaXeXourev Wyttenbach : KaraXdXoiTrev. 

a The rise of Thebes under Epameinondas and its brief 
hegemony of Greece (371-362 b.c.) and its destruction by 
Alexander of Macedon in 335. The dream clearly belongs to 
a later tradition, presumably a Theban one. 

78 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865-866 

he had entered Thebes at the head of his army and, 
at his request, received a privilege granted to no one 
else — permission to sleep in the temple of Heracles ; 
and he told the Thebans of the vision which he saw 
in his sleep, in which the greatest and most notable 
cities of Greece appeared to be tossed and thrown in 
disorder on a rough and stormy sea, and the city of 
Thebes towered high above them all and was lifted 
right up to the sky and then suddenly disappeared. 
This vision was indeed very similar to the fate which 
befell the city long afterwards. a 

32. In his description of the battle Herodotus has 
also dimmed the glory of Leonidas' most heroic deed. 
He says that all fell right in the narrows, by the Hill. b 
But this is not true, because when they heard in the 
night that the barbarians were coming round by the 
other pass, they pushed forward and reached the Per- 
sian camp, almost as far as the king's own tent, intend- 
ing to kill him and give their lives in return for his ; 
and they advanced right up to the tent, killing anyone 
who blocked their path and forcing everyone else to 
withdraw ; then, when Xerxes was not to be found, 
they searched for him in that huge sprawling army 
and, losing their bearings, they were finally sur- 
rounded by the barbarians on every side and killed. 
I shall describe in my Life of Leonidas all the other 
brave deeds and sayings of the Spartans that Hero- 
dotus has omitted d ; but it will not be amiss to men- 

b vii. 225. 2-3. 

c This version, which appears in Diodorus, xi. 9. 4-10. 4, 
is presumably taken from Ephorus. 

d Cf. the collection of Leonidas' sayings in Mor. 225 a-e. 
The Life of Leonidas has not survived, if indeed it was ever 
written. 

79 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(866) fjLLKpa 8' ov %elpov eon /cat vvv SceXOelv. dycova 
(JL€V yap €7TLrd(f)Lov avTcov 1 rjycovioavTo irpd rr\s 

€^68oV KOLL TOVTOV ideCOVTO TTCLTeptS aVTCOV KCLl 

fX7]repes' avTOS 8' 6 AecovuSas npos fiev rov elrrovra 
TravTtXcos oXiyovs i£dyeiv avTov €ttl ttjv p<dy?)v 

" 7ToAAoi)S fl€V," 2 €(f)y]y " T€dvr}£ofJL€VOVS "' TTpOS Se 

ttjv yvvdiKOL, TTVvdavofJLevrjv e^iovTOS et tl Xeyoi, 
C fieraaT panels €ltt€V' ~ dyadols yapbetodai Kayadd 

TLKT€IV." €V 8e ®€pjJL07TvAoUS fl€Ta TTJV KVkXcOOLV 

hvo tcov diro yevovs vrre^eXeodac jHovXopievos eVtoro- 
Xtjv iStSov too irepq) 3 /cat eTrepbTrev 6 8' ovk eSe'^aro 
<f>rjoas pier opyfjs* " /za^aTas tol, ovk dyyeAta- 

(f)6poS, €l7r6pLOLV >,# TOV 8' €T€pOV €KeXeV€V €LTT€lv TV 

7Tpos rd reXrj tcov YsnapTiaTcov 6 8' direKpivaTOy 
(" Kpeioocov iycb puevcov /cat Kpelooov* ifxov p^ivov- 
ro$y rd 7Tpdypbara, },i /cat ttjv doTTt'Sa Xaficov els 
rd^cv Karearrj. 

TaVT OVK dv TL? €7T€TipL7)0€V dXXoV TTapaXiTTOVTOS' 

6 Se ttjv 'AjLtaatSo9 a7Toi/j6c/)7]oiv /cat ttjv tcov ovcov 
tov /cAeVrou TrpooeXaotv 5 /cat ttjv tcov doKcov IttL- 
Soo-tv /cat 7roAA' aAAa 6 ToiavTa avvayaycov /cat 

1 avrcjv Leonicus, Turnebus : avrw. 

2 jjl€v] fxkv ovv Pletho, Cobet. 

3 tw irdpco Wyttenbach : daripa) Reiske : iripco. 

4 d.7T€KpLvaTO, <" KptLootov iycb fjL€vcov kcu Kpeiooov* €jjlov fxivov- 
ros> rd rrpdyp,ara " L. P. (cf. Mor. 225 e) : aireKpivaTO to> irpdy- 
fxari Wyttenbach : on-e xpivovTos (sic) rd Trpdyfxara Aldine edi- 
tion : drreKptvaro rd irpdyyiara. 

5 rrpoaiXaaiv Stephanus : TTpooiXtvoiv. 

6 7rdAA' dAAa Bernardakis : aAAa 7roAAa Reiske : 7roAAd. 

a Cf. Mor. 225 a and Diodorus, xi. 4. 3-4. 

b Plutarch tells this same story in Mor. 225 a and 240 e. 
The question always comes from Leonidas' wife, Gorgo, but 
since the message is meant for Spartan womanhood in 

80 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866 

tion a few of them now. They celebrated their own 
funeral games before leaving Sparta, with their 
fathers and mothers among the spectators. And 
there is the reply of Leonidas himself, when someone 
said to him that he was taking very few men out to 
battle, and he answered : " Many enough to take to 
their death." a And to his wife, who asked him as he 
was leaving if he had a message to give, he turned 
and said : " Marry good husbands and bear good 
children." b And at Thermopylae, after the encircle- 
ment, wishing to save two men of noble family, he 
gave one a dispatch to carry and sent him off, but the 
man refused, saying angrily : " I came with you to 
fight, not to carry messages " c ; and when he ordered 
the other man to take a message to the Spartan 
authorities, he answered : " I shall do my duty better 
if I stay here, and the news will be better if I stay 
here " ; and he picked up his shield and took his place 
in the ranks. d 

One could let these omissions pass without criticism 
in another author, 6 but in an author who describes the 
vulgar retort of Amasis / and how the thief brought 
along the donkeys and made the guards drunk 9 and 
who has collected and recorded many other stories of 

general, the story in its original form perhaps made the 
question come from a nameless Spartan woman. Ambiguity 
between " the woman who asked him " and " his wife asking 
him " would be easy in Greek. 

c Cf. Mor. 221 d, 225 e. 

d The Greek text is corrupt and the man's reply is sup- 
plied by a conjectural restoration ; in Mor. 225 e, where the 
same story is told, he says : "I shall be a better man if I 
stay here." 

* Herodotus has in fact several stories of this type in vii. 
221, 229-232. > ii. 162. 3. 

9 ii. 121, in the story of Rhampsinitus. 

81 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(866) 

j) oiapLvrjpLovevajv, ovk dfJLeXela So^euev av Kal vnep- 
oi/jca TrpoteaO ai KaAa pcev epya KaXds Se <f>a)vds, aAA' 

OVK €VfJL€V7]S COV TTpOS €VlOVS OvSe SlKCLLOS. 

S3. Tot)? Se Qr)j3aiovs Trpwrov 1 pudv (frrjoi " pberd 
rcov *HLWrjvcov iovras pLaxeadai vri* dvdyKrjs e^o/ze'- 
vovg"- ov yap fiovov Ee'o^s 1 , d>s eoiKev, dXXd Kal 
AeajvlSas fJLaoTiyo(f)6povs ef^ev erropLevovs } v(/f Sv 
ol ©rjfialoi 7Tapa yvwpbrjv rjvayKa^ovro pbaoriyov- 
fj>€VOL /xa^ecr^at. Kal ris av oj/jborepos rovrov ye- 
volto GVKO(j>dvrr]s , os jJid)(€cr9aL puev vn 9 avdyKrjS 
cfrrjal tovs arreXdeZv Kal (frevyetv 2 Swapuevovs, p*)- 
Surai S' eKovras ots ousels' TTaprjv fiorjOwv; ££fjs 
Se tovtois yeypa(f)€v on " rtov dXXa>v irreiyopLevajv 

E inl tov KoAcovw aTToax^evres ol QrjfiaZoi ^ei/ja? 
re rrpo ere ivav Kal fjaav 3 dooov rcov j3apf5dpa)v, Ae- 
yovres tov dXrjOeararov rcov Xoywv, ojs purjo icretav 4 
Kal yrjv re Kal v8a>p eSocrav 5 fiaariXeZ, vtto 8' dv- 
dyK7]s ixo^voc els ©eppboirvXas amKearo* Kal 
avairioi elev rod Tpdypbaros tov yevopuevov fiaacXeZ' 
ravra Xeyovres irepieyevovro* etxov yap Kal 0ecr- 
oaXovs tovtojv rcov Xoyojv pbdprvpas." Spa S«z 
roaovrojv iv fiapfidpois Kpavyals Kal 7rap,pnyeai 
dopvfiois Kal (fyvyaus Kal 7 hidj^eaiv aKovopLevrjv 
hiKaioXoyiav Kal fiaprvpa>v dvaKpioiv Kal Qeaaa- 
Xovs pcera^v rcov <f)ovevopLevajv Kal irarovpievajv vtt* 

F aAA^Aaw napd ra 8 crrevd ®r)fiaiois avvScKovvras, 
on rrjs *EXXd8os avrovs Kparovvras a^pt Qeameajv 

1 ttpcotov Basel edition : npcbros : recos Reiske (as in 
Herodotus). 2 fcvyew] <j>vyelv Herwerden. 

3 7rpo€T€ivav Kal rjoav\ TTpoerewov Kal rjiaav MSS. of Herodotus. 

4 fiyhfoeiav] firjotkovcri Turnebus (as in Herodotus). 

5 eSoaav] eooaav av Reiske. 

G a7nK€aro] airiKoiaro Turnebus (as in Herodotus). 

82 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866 

this kind, one can hardly think that he omits noble 
actions and noble sayings because he is careless of 
detail or thinks them beneath his notice ; it must be 
because he is hostile and prejudiced towards certain 
parties. 

3S. " For a time, ,, he says, " the Thebans fought 
along with the Greeks, as they had no alternative/ ' a 
It seems, then, that Leonidas, like Xerxes, had men 
with whips in his army, under whose blows the The- 
bans were forced to fight against their will. How 
could calumny be more cruel than this ? He says 
that men who could have run away and escaped 
fought because they had no alternative, and that men 
who had no one to support them were glad to medize. 
Then he goes on : " When the rest of the Greeks were 
pushing towards the Hill, the Thebans broke away 
and went towards the barbarians holding out their 
hands in entreaty, saying — with perfect truth — that 
they had medized and given earth and water to the 
king, that they had come to Thermopylae under com- 
pulsion and were innocent of the blow which the king 
had suffered ; and these words saved their lives, be- 
cause they had Thessalians as witnesses to their 
statement. " & Just imagine such a plea being heard 
in such a situation, amid the barbarians' shrieks and 
the confused shouting of the flight and pursuit ! And 
imagine the witnesses being questioned. With men 
being killed and trampled underfoot all around them 
in the narrow pass, the Thessalians support the The- 
bans' plea by saying : " Until recently we controlled 
Greece as far as Thespiae, but they defeated us in 

a vii. 233. 1. 6 vii. 233. 1-2. 

7 /cat B : omitted in E. 
8 irapa to,] iravra yap Aldine and Basel eds. 

83 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(866) evayxos itjrjXaaav fJLdxj) TrepLyevopievoL 1 /cat tov 
dpxovra Aarrapivav 2 airoKTeivavTts . ravra yap 

VTTTJpX^ BotCOTOtS' TOT€ KCLl @€CTOaXoLS 7TpO£ dXXr}- 
XoVS, €77t€t/C€9 8e KCLL (f)LXdvdpOJ7TOV OV$€V. 

'AAAa. hr) twv QeocraXtov fjuaprvpovvrajv, ttcjs 

7T€pL€y€VOVTO ©T^jSatOt; " TOVS fJL€V CLVTOOV CL7T€KT€L- 

vav ol fidppapoL TTpooLovrasJ* cos clvtos eiprjKe, 
" tovs Se 3 nXevvas, KeXevaavros Eep^eco, eort^av 
ariypara /3aoLXrjLa, dp£dpevoL oltto rod OTparrr\yov 
867 AeovT^aSea>. ,, dAA' ovre A AeovTLaSrjs iv ©e/o/zo- 
7TvXclls rjv GTparrjyos, dXX 'Avd^avSpos, <bs 'A/ot- 
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laroprjcre /cat Nt/cavS/Oos' 6 KoAo^covtos" ' ovre yLvdt- 

<TK€L TLS dvdpd)7TOJV 5 TTpO 'HpoSoTOU UTVxOivTaS VTTO 

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rijs SLCLpoXrjs /cat kclXcds €1^6 rrjv ttoXlv dydXXecrdaL 
toIs ariypaoLV €K€lvols, co? Sep^ov St/cdaavTOS' 
ixQtcTTOLS xPV (7a(J ^ aL Ae^viSrj /cat AeovrLdSrj- rod 
p,ev yap fjKLGaro 7T€7rra)K6ro£ to crco/xa, rod 8e 

L^COVTOS €GTt{J€V. 6 §€ TTJV fJL€V €L£ AeCOVtoaV CO/XO- 

1 7T€piy€v6iJL€V0L Meziriacus : 7Tapayev6jJL€voi. 

2 AaTTafivav E : Aarra/xtav B. 

3 8e Bernardakis : Se n E : §* In B. 

4 dAA' ovre Reiske : ovre. 
6 dvdpa)7TO)v Stephanus : dvOpconovs. 

° 0/. 2y*/<9 of Camillus, chap, xix, where this victory is 
dated " more than 200 years before Leuctra," i.e. 571 b.c. at 
latest, in which case it is hardly relevant to the present situa- 
tion ; Beloch, therefore, is disposed to date it towards the end 
of the 6th century (Griechische Geschichte, i. 2. 205). The 
battle is not mentioned by any author except Plutarch ; 
perhaps he is still following the Boeotian historian Aristo- 
phanes. 
84 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866-867 

battle and drove us back, killing our commander 
Lattamyas." a That was how Boeotians and Thes- 
salians stood towards one another at the time ; there 
was nothing warm or friendly in their relationship. 

However, suppose the Thessalians did bear witness 
— how did the Thebans save themselves ? " Some of 
them the barbarians killed as they came forward " 
(this is what he says himself), " but most of them, at 
Xerxes* command, they branded with the royal 
brand-marks, beginning with the general, Leonti- 
adas." b But the general at Thermopylae was not 
Leontiadas but Anaxander, as Aristophanes tells us, 
on the basis of the Register of Magistrates, and 
Nicander of Colophon d ; nor is anyone aware, until 
Herodotus writes, that Xerxes branded any Thebans. 
Indeed, it would have been the strongest defence in 
reply to charges against them and the city might well 
have prided itself on these brand-marks, if they could 
claim that Xerxes gave orders to treat both Leonidas 
and Leontiadas as his bitterest enemies, mutilating 
the body of the Spartan leader in death and branding 
Leontiadas while still living. 6 Herodotus, however, 

6 vii. 233. 2. 

c Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 379, F. 6. 

d Frag. Gr. Hist, iii a, no. 271-272, F. 35. 

* Eurymachus, the son of Leontiadas, was instrumental in 
planning the Theban attack on Plataea in 431 b.c. which 
opened the Peloponnesian War (Thucydides, ii. 2. 3 ; Hero- 
dotus, vii. 233. 2, says he was killed when commanding the 
Theban force, perhaps incorrectly). Whatever official posi- 
tions were held by father and son, Athenian ill-feeling against 
the family is easy to understand. The branding story may 
not be true ; but Plutarch seems deliberately perverse in 
failing to see the point of it — that the king branded the 
Theban captives as untrustworthy slaves who had turned 
against him ; thus the story, if true, is in fact proof that 
Thebes had formally medized. 

85 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

t> rrjra orjAajfia 7Toiovp,€vos , on pbaAtora or) avopcov o 
fidpfiapos idvfJLO)0rj I^covtl AeajviSrj, QrjjUaiovs 8e 
Kal fJLrjSi^ovTas Xeya>v iv ®€ppL07rvXais OTixSr]vaL 
Kal arix^evras avdis ev HXaraials paqhi^tv rrpo- 
6v[jlcl)S $ok€l jjlol, Kaddrrep 'iTTTroKXeiSrjs 6 rols 
GKeXeot x €L P ovo l JL &> v i 771 Tr ]s rpairetfls, elrrelv av 
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OTOJ. 

34. 'Ev 8e rfj dy&orj tovs "EWrjvds (f>rjoL koltcl- 
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OoZvto yeveas Kal to oIk€tlkov, dXiyojpelv, axpf ov 
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c8a)K€ Kal 'ASeipLavrtp rep Kopwdiojv arparrjyep' 
rore Se pueZvai Kal Siavavpiaxrjoai Trpos tovs jSap- 
fidpovs. 6 pbev UlvSapos, ovk d)v avpLpbdxov noXeaJS 
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oiov puvrjaOels €m7T€<f>ojvr)Kev 

odi* naZoes ^Adavatajv 5 ejSaAovTO 6 cj>a€vvav 
Kpn)Trlo^ eXevdepias . 

f Upohoros Se, vc/)' ov KeKoopbrjerdai rives d^iovoi rrjv 
'EAAaSa, SajpoSoKLas Kal kXotttjs epyov a7TO(f)aivei 
rr)v viKrjv eKelvrjv yevopbevrjv Kal tovs "EAA^vas 
aKovoioJs dyojvioapiivovs y vtto tcov arparrjycov e£- 

1 i£opxovp€vos] a7Topxovfi€vos Herwerden (c/. Herodotus, 
vi. 129). 2 y ApT€fjLi<7Lov B : 'Aprejuciatoi/ E (so also below). 

3 d\pL E : axpis B. 

4 oi B : <Ls ol E : on Aldine edition. 

5 'AdavoLLcov Boeckh : ^Adrjvaioyv. 

6 ipdXovTo Stephanus : iftdXAovro. 

7 <j>a€vvdv Kpr)7Tih y E : <f>a€vdv Kprjmh' B. 

86 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867 

offers the savagery of Xerxes towards Leonidas as a 
proof that the barbarian hated no one so much in life 
as Leonidas ; but he shows the Thebans being 
branded at Thermopylae, even though they medized, 
and then, despite the branding, he shows them just 
as eager to medize at Plataea. It looks to me as 
though, like Hippocleides standing on his head on the 
table and waving his legs in the air, Herodotus would 
" dance away the truth " and say : " Herodotus 
doesn't care/' a 

34. In Book VIII he says that the Greeks took 
fright at Artemisium and planned to run away into 
the straits to Greek territory, and when the Euboeans 
begged them to wait for a little time, so that they 
could remove their families and their slaves to safety, 
they paid no attention until Themistocles was given 
money and shared it with Eurybiadas and the Corin- 
thian commander Adeimantus ; only then did they 
remain to face the barbarians in battle at sea. 6 
Pindar comes from a city which was not an ally, but 
was accused of medism ; none the less he has a word 
of praise for Artemisium, as the place 

Where sons of Athens laid for Freedom 
A gleaming white foundation-stone. c 

But Herodotus, whom some people regard as the 
panegyrist of Greece, represents that victory as the 
fruit of bribery and deceit, and shows the Greeks 
fighting reluctantly, tricked by their corrupt com- 

For the story of Hippocleides, the suitor who " danced 
away his marriage," see Herodotus, vi. 127-129. 

6 viii. 4. 1-2. Of. Life of Themistocles ', chap, vii, where 
Plutarch makes no protest against the story. 

c Frag. 77 (Bergk-Schroeder-Snell), 65 (Bowra), quoted 
also in Life of Themistocles, chap, viii and Mor. 350 a, 552 b. 

87 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(867) a7Tarrjdevras dpyvpiov Xa fiovrcuv. Kal tovto to 
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yeXrjvai rov Aea>vi8ov ddvarov, r}8r) iroiel rovs 
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avTLKa /xera ravra rrXoicp rjXdev dvrjp 'JLoriaievs, 6 
dyyeXXojv rov 8prjopb6v rov an s Aprepaoiov tcjv 7 
'T&XX-qvwv ol Se vtto b drnoTLrjs rov puev dyyeXXovra 
elxov ev cfrvXaKrj, veas Se raxeias drreGTeiXav rrpo- 
KaroifjojJLevas." 9 
Tt ov Xeyeis ; diTohihpdoKeiv (hs KeKparrfpuevovs , 

1 to Tripas E : iripas B. 

V 

2 ffyqx^S E : rpt^cco? B. 

3 7T€pL€(f>d€VT€s Reiske (as in Herodotus) : nepLepxQevTes E : 

7T€pL€V€xQeVT*S B. 

4 ifiovXcvov E : ipovXcvovTo B. Herwerden adds eo-cu as in 
Herodotus. 

5 7TiKpa>s\ yXioxpojs Wyttenbach. 

6 'Eortaievs] 'Icrriateus mss. of Herodotus. 

88 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867 

manders. Nor does his malice stop at this point. 
Almost everyone agrees that though the Greeks had 
the upper hand in the battles at sea here, they never- 
theless yielded Artemisium to the barbarians when 
they heard of the fate of Thermopylae, because there 
was no point in sitting there keeping guard at sea 
once the war came past Thermopylae and Xerxes was 
in control of the passes. a Herodotus, however, shows 
the Greeks planning to run away even before the 
death of Leonidas is reported. These are his words : 
" They had suffered severely, especially the Athe- 
nians, of whose ships half the number had been 
damaged, and they planned to run away to Greece." b 
Now he may be permitted to talk of running away and 
to use such a term of reproach in speaking of retreat 
before the battle ; but he talks of " running away " 
now just as on the former occasion, and a little later 
on again he will speak of " running away M — so fierce 
is his attachment to this expression : " Immediately 
after this a man from Histiaea arrived by ship telling 
the barbarians that the Greeks had run away from 
Artemisium ; but not believing this messenger they 
kept him under guard and sent out fast ships to see 
for themselves." c 

What do you mean ? That they are " running 

° Modern critics would agree on this point. It is a weak- 
ness of the narrative of Herodotus that the combined strategy 
by land and sea is not made clear (c/., €.g. y How and Wells, 
Commentary \ vol. ii, pp. 371-872). 

5 viii. 18. 

c viii. 23. 1. 

7 tov an 'A. tojv Duebner (as in most mss. of Herodotus) : 
tov 'A. tov tujv E : tov 'A. tov tov B. 

8 vno B (as in Herodotus) : aird E. 

9 TTpOKaToipo/JLevas B : TrpooKaToipofjuevas E. 

89 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

( 867 ) a c W , , , - I / 

Ji QUS Ot TTOAefJUOl fJL€TOL TTJV jLia^V CLTTLOTOVOl (f)€Vy€LV 

(l)S TToXl) KpOLTOVVTCLS ; €ITCL 7TLOT€V€lV d^LOV TOVTCl) 

ypd<f)0VTi rrepl dvSpos rj rroXecos [Mas, os ivl prjiiari 
to VLK7]fia rr\s 'EAAaSos 1 a</>atpetrat /cat to Tpoiraiov 
KadaipeZ /cat tols emypa^dsy as eOevTO rrapa ttj 

'ApT€fJLL8c TTJ UpOOYjOXl, 1 KOJJL7TOV OL7TO(f)aLV€l KCLL 

dXa^oveiav ; e^et 8' ovtoj TovTrLypapLixa' 

TTavTohaTTcjjv dvhpcbv yeveds 'Aatas diro X^pas 
7ratSe9 'AOrjvaLCOV Tto8e ttot iv rreXdyei 

vavfjiaxLCL Sa/xaaavre?, eVet OTpaTos coXzto M77- 
8ojv, 
or\\iara tout eOeoav TrapOevco 'Aore'/xtSt. 

868 iv [lev ovv tois pidxais ovk era^e tovs ''EXXrjvas 
oz5S' iSrjAajoev tjv eKaaTrj ttoXis exovoa ^copav ivav- 
/za^ae, /caret Se tov aTroirXovv , ov clvtos Spaofiov 
7Tpooayop€V€i, irpcjTovs (f>7]ol Kopivdiovs ttXziv 
voTaTovs S' 'AOrjvaiovs. 

35. "ESet jjbev ovv ju/^Se toZs ju/^Stcraatv ^XXtjvojv 
dyav e7re/z/?atVei>, /cat tolvtcl Qovpiov jjl€V vtto tcov 
dXXcov vopu^ofievov 2 clvtov Se * AXiKapvaoiojv Trepc- 
exdfJLevov, ot Aajptets ovt€s jLterct ttjs yvvaiKOJViTihos 
em tovs f/ EAA^vas' ioTpaTevoav. 

f O Se tooovtov aVoSet tov 7rpaoT€pov B oVo/za£etv 

1 TipooTjiLa Xylander (cf. Life of Themistocles, viii) : 
vpos . . (lacuna of 5-7 letters). 

2 vofiL^ofievov] 6vofia^6fji€vov Cobet. 

3 TTpaorepov Emperius : nporepov. 

° " Artemis who looks towards the east." It was this 
temple which gave the promontory of Artemisium its name. 
For the site see Lolling, Mitteilungen des deutschen arch. 
Inst, in Athen, viii (1883), pp. 7-23. 

6 Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 104. 

c viii. 21.2. 

90 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867-868 

away " like beaten men ? The enemy regard them as 
definitely victorious and cannot believe that they are 
taking flight after the battle. Can we believe what 
such a man writes about any individual or any city ? 
With a single phrase he wipes out the Greek victory, 
pulls down the trophy, and makes empty bombast 
out of the inscriptions which they set up in the temple 
of Artemis Proseoa. a This is the verse that stands 
there : 

With men of every race from Asia's land 
The sons of Athens fought once in these waters ; 
The victory won, the Persian host destroyed, 
These gifts to maiden Artemis they offered. b 

So also, in his account of the battles he did not de- 
scribe the Greek arrangements or tell what station 
each city occupied with its ships, but in the with- 
drawal — " running away " as he calls it — he says the 
Corinthians went first and the Athenians last. 

35. He had no right to be so very severe even 
towards the Greeks who medized. After all, though 
some regard him as a citizen of Thurii, his attachment 
is really to the Halicarnassians, d those Dorians who 
took their harem with them on the expedition against 
Greece. 6 

He certainly fails to use fair terms in describing the 

d Herodotus was a native of Halicarnassus, but took part 
in the settlement of Thurii in Italy, a colonial enterprise of 
Athens, in 444 b.c. In the opening words of his history, as 
preserved in the manuscripts, he called himself " the Hali- 
carnassian ; " but, as appears from Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii. 
1409 a and Plutarch, Mor. 604 f, some ancient copies read 
" the Thurian." See Legrand, Herodote, Introduction, 
pp. 12-14. 

e The Halicarnassian forces were commanded by a 
woman, Artemisia. Cf. 869 f below. 

91 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(868) 

g rds rcov [X'qoLodvrcov dvdyKag, coore rrepl QeaoaXcov 

StrjyqadiJLevos on QcoKevaiv, eyOpoZs Kal TroAepLLois 

OVGL, 7TpOG€7T€fJLlfjaV eTTayyeAAofieVOL T7)V ^COpaV CLV- 

rcov dfiAaftfj SiacfivAd^eiv, el TrevrrjKovra rdXavra 
fjuadov Adfiotev, ravra rrepl Q>coKecov yeypac\>ev av- 
roZs dvo\xaoiv " ol yap QcoKeZs jjlovvol rcov ravrrj 
dvOpcorrcov ovk ifiTJSt^ov, /car' aAAo puev ovSev, cbs 1 
eyco cru/xj8aAAojL6€V09 evpivKco, Kara 8e to e^dos 2 
to QeooaAcov el he QeooaAol ra 'JZAArjvoov rjv^ov,* 
cos efjbol SoKel* ijjLrjSi^ov dv ol QcoKeZs" kclitoi 
fierd fjLLKpov avros epeZ rpiGKalSeKa TroAeus rcov 
QcoKecov vtto rod fiapfidpov KaraKeKavodai, hi- 

C etf>ddpdai rrjv ywpav, epLTreTTpfjadai, to ev "AjSats 5 
lepov, avopas aVoAajAeWi Kal yvvaZKas, ogol /jltj 
8iacf>vy6vres ecpOrjtrav el? rdv Tlapvaoov . aAA' Sficos 
rovs rd eayara rradeZv errl rco purj TTpoeodai to 
kolAov VTrofietvavras el? tt)v avrrjv eSero KaKiav 
roZs rrpodvpiorara piiqoLoaoi' Kal rd epya tcov 
dvhpcov ifje^ac [if] Svvrjdels, curias eKa6r]ro cpariAas 
Kal virovoias errl rov ypacfrelov 6 avvnOels Kar 
avrcov Kal KeAevcov 1 ovk d<f>* cov errpatjav, dAA' dcfS 
cov errpa^av dv 8 el jxt] ravra QeoaaAoZs eho^e, 
KpiveoOai rrjv Stdvotav avrcov, coarrep %cbpas dvr- 

D eiArmtLevr]s* ix}** erepcov rrjs irpohooias drToAei- 
cpdevras. 

1 Kar aAAo jxkv ovoev cbs supplied from Herodotus : lacuna 
of about 20 letters in mss. 

2 exdos Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : dxOos. 

3 rjvgov Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : yvgow. 

4 $ok€i] hoKeeiv Herodotus. 

3 "Afiais Basel edition : d/z/Spats. 

92 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868 

plight of those who were forced to medize ; but his 
unfairness does not stop there ; in his story of the 
message sent by the Thessalians to their bitter 
enemies the Phocians, in which they offer to keep 
their land unharmed in return for the price of fifty 
talents, these are the actual words that he uses about 
the Phocians : " The Phocians were the only people 
in this area who did not medize, for no other reason, 
as I conjecture, except their hatred of the Thes- 
salians. I imagine that if the Thessalians had sup- 
ported the Greek cause, the Phocians would have 
medized." a And yet, a little later, he will tell us 
himself that thirteen cities of the Phocians were 
burnt down by the barbarians, that their country was 
laid waste and the temple at Abae set on fire, and that 
all the men and women who did not escape to Mount 
Parnassus in time were killed. b Despite the fact that 
they were prepared to endure anything rather than 
betray their honour, he ranked them no higher than 
the most enthusiastic medizers. Not being able to 
find fault with what they actually did, he sat with his 
pen inventing base motives and rousing our sus- 
picions against them, inviting us to judge their inten- 
tions not by what they did, but what they would have 
done if the Thessalians had acted differently — as 
though they failed to be traitors only because the 
traitors' place was already occupied by others. 

a viii. 30. b viii. 32-33. 

6 eVt rov ypafetov] airiorovs rat ypafeia) Herwerden. 

e €v 

7 kcXcvcuv E : koXovcov B. 

8 dAA' a<f>* cbv €TTpat;av av added by Meziriacus : no lacuna 
marked in mss. 

9 avT€i\7jiiiA€vr)s] a^rctA^/x/xeVots' Aldine edition. 

93 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(868) Et rolvvv QeooaXovs ns emxeipeL rod /x^Stcr/xou 
TrapaiTeZodou, Xeycov cos ov ravr efiovXovro, rfj Se 
7Tpos QcoKeas Sia(f)op& rots "EAA^at TTpoortOejjievovs 
opcovres avrol 7rapa yvcofirjv ifJLrjSicrav, ap* ovk av 
aioyiGTa KoXaKeveiv e8o£e Kal 7rpos erepcov x^P iV 
cartas xp r ) ar ^ ^ 7TL rrpdyp^aGi ^avXois rropi^cov Sia- 
arpe^eiv rrjv dXtjOetav; eyco puev oi/xat. ttcos ovv 
ov Trepi^avearara So£e& ovKO(f>avreXv 6 fir) St' 
aperrjv rc\ fieXriora QcoKels eXopuevovs a7To<f)aiv6- 
fievos, aAA' on rdvavria QeooaXovs eyvcooav <f>po- 

E vovvras ; ovoe ydp els erepovs, coorrep etcoOev, 
dvdyei rrjv StafioXrjv aKrjKoevai Xeycov aAA' avros 
evpioKeiv avfiPaXXopievos . elrrelv ovv eSei rd retc- 
fJLrjpia, 8t' cov erreLodrj rovs 1 o/xota rrpdrrovras rols 
dptorots ravra rots <j)avXordrois SiavorjOfjvou. 

To yap rrjs k'xOpas yeXoZov eortv ovre yap Alyi- 
vrjras eKcoXvoev rj Trpos ' Adrjvatovs Stacfropd Kal 
XaA/aScts 1 rj irpos 'Eperpceas Kal KopcvOcovs rf rrpos 
Wleyapeas rfj 'EAAaSi GvpLfiaxeZv ov$' av rrdXiv 
QeooaXovs pLrjSl^ovres ol TToXepucbraroi MaKeSoves 
rrjs 77/30? rov ftdpfiapov (j)iXtas drreorpeifjav. ras 
yap I8ias drrexOeias 6 kolvos drreKpvifje klvSvvos, 
coore rcov d'AAcov rradcov eKireoovras rj rep koXco Si' 

P aperrjv r) rep ov{jL<f)epovri St' dvdyKrjv rrpoorlQeoQai 
rrjv yvcoparjv. ov jxrjv dXXd Kal peer a rrjv dvdyKrjv 

1 rovs B : rots E. 2 17 Reiske : rj. 

The Greek has a past tense, " obscured," but it is pro- 
bably a gnomic aorist, used to express a general truth. 
b Strictly Plutarch should have said that the Phocians 

94 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868 

Now suppose someone tried to excuse the medism 
of the Thessalians by saying that they did not want 
to medize, but did so against their will because of their 
quarrel with the Phocians, when they saw them sup- 
porting the Greeks. It would seem to us, wouldn't 
it, that he was whitewashing their conduct in the 
worst possible way and that he was distorting the 
truth if, in order to please one side, he invented 
worthy motives to explain their unworthy actions ? 
I am sure it would. How, then, can a writer be 
thought anything else but a barefaced slanderer when 
he represents the Phocians as choosing the noblest 
course not because they were good men, but because 
they found that the Thessalians were opposed to it ? 
He does not even refer the slander to other people, 
as he usually does, and say he has " heard it " ; he 
says it is his own " conjecture.' ' In that case he 
ought to have given the evidence which persuaded 
him that men who acted along with the best had the 
same intentions as the worst. 

The motive of enmity is ridiculous. The Aegine- 
tans were not stopped from fighting on the Greek 
side by their quarrel with the Athenians, nor the 
Chalcidians by their quarrel with the Eretrians, nor 
the Corinthians by their quarrel with the Megarians ; 
nor, on the other hand, were the Thessalians deterred 
from making friends with the barbarian because their 
bitterest enemies the Macedonians medized. The 
truth is that a common danger obscures a individual 
grievances ; men forget all other feelings, and either 
honour makes them decide for the nobler course or 
necessity for the expedient one. & Nor must it be for- 

chose both alternatives, attempting honourable resistance 
first and then medizing out of sheer necessity. 

95 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(868) eKetvrjv, fj KaTeArjtfrdrjcrav vtto M^Sots 1 yeveodat, 

rrdXtV fJL€T€pdAoVTO TTpOS TOVS "ILAArjVaS OL CLVOpeS, 
KOL AaKpOLTTjS [JL€V OLVTOIS 6 TiirapTiaTrjS dvTLKpVS 

ifiaprvprjaev avros S' 6 'HpoSoros coorrep e/cjSta- 
adels ev rots' HAcltclukols ojxoAoyeZ /cat Oaj/ceW 
TrapayeveoOat toZs "EAA^atv. 

36. Ov Set Se davpLal^eiv el toZs dri^cracrtv 

€yK€LTCU TTLKpCOS, OTTOV KCLt TOVS TTapayeVOpLeVOVS 

869 /cat avyKtvSvvevoavTas els ttjv tcov rroAepLLCov /ze- 
pt'Sa /cat rrpoSoTcov /xeraTt^crt. " Nd£tot yap 
TpeZs 1 errepa/jav Tpirjpeis ovpbpbdxovs toZs fiapfidpocs , 
els Se tcov rpL7]pdpxojv At] puoKpiTOS erreioe tovs 
dAAovs eAeoOai tol tcov 'EAAtjvcov." ovtcos ov8* 
erraiveZv dvev rod ipeyecv ol8ev, aAA' tV 2 els dvrjp 
eyKtofjuaadfj, ttoAlv SAtjv Set kclklos d/coucrat /cat 
Srjfiov. piaprvpel S' clvtols 3 tcov pcev TTpeofivrepcov 
'EAAdviKos tcov Se vecoTepcov "Ecpopos, 6 piev e£ 6 
Se rrevTe vaval tovs 41 Na^tous* eAdeZv toZs "EAA^CTt 
ftoTjdovvTas ItTToprjaas. olvtos Se /cat TravTairaaiv 
eavTOV 6 'HpoSoTOS e^eAe'y^et TavTa rrAaTTopievov. 
B ol puev yap Na£ta>v cbpoypdcf)OL Aey overt /cat rrpo- 
Tepov WleyafiaTrjv dircooaoOai vavol Sta/coa-tat? em- 
TrAevaavTa tt) vrjacp, /cat Aartv avdes tov GTpaTrjyov 

1 rpels] reoaepas Herodotus. 2 lv* Turnebus : el, 

3 fxapTVpel B y avTots (or : avrifxapTvpei 8' avrco) Reiske : /uap- 
rvpei 8' avrcp. 4 tovs Reiske : avrovs. 

a Lacrates is not known from any other source. 

6 This is inaccurate. Herodotus, ix. 17-18, says that in 
the spring of 479 the Phocians (who did medize, however 
unwillingly) were slow in sending 1000 hoplites to join Mar- 

96 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868-869 

gotten that, after the passing of the necessity that 
made them submit to the Medes, these men changed 
back again to the Greek side ; the Spartan Lacrates a 
testified directly in their favour, and Herodotus him- 
self, having no alternative, admits that Phocians were 
with the Greek forces in the campaign of Plataea. b 

36. Jhere is no need to be surprised that he attacks 
luckless victims so savagely when even those who 
stood firm and took their share of the danger are 
ranked by him as enemies and traitors. " The 
Naxians," he says, " sent three triremes to help the 
barbarians, but one of their captains, Democritus, 
persuaded the others to decide for the Greek cause." c 
This shows how he cannot praise without finding 
fault ; in order that one man may be commended, the 
reputation of a whole city and people must suffer. 
Evidence in their favour comes from Hellanicus and 
Ephorus, to mention one older and one later writer. 
The former says that the Naxians sent six ships to 
help the Greeks, the latter that they sent five. d And, 
as a matter of fact, Herodotus himself provides the 
proof that his story is a complete fabrication. The 
chroniclers of Naxos say that they previously drove 
off Megabates when he approached the island with 
two hundred ships/ and subsequently repelled the 
Persian commander Datis, after he had burnt their 

donius and that these were accepted by him only after a 
severe test of their bravery ; in ix. 31. 5 he lists these thousand 
in the Persian line of battle, but adds that there were Phocian 
loyalists based on Parnassus making raids on the army of 
Mardonius. 

c A paraphrase, not an exact quotation, of viii. 46. 3. 

d Frag. Or. Hist, i, no. 4, F. 183 ; ii a, no. 70, F. 187. 

e Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 501, F. 3. Herodotus, v. 32-34, 
says Megabates withdrew after spending four months in an 
attempt to take the city by siege. 

VOL. XI E 97 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(869) e^eXdoai 1 Kararrp^aavra (ra lepd, clvtovs oe 
Na£covs ov8ev em;^/)^ era vto,) TroifjcraL Aca/coV. 2 el 
Se, d)S 'HpoSoros eiprjKev dXXaxddc, rrjv fiev ttoXlv 
avrcov ifiTTprjaavTes hie<j>deipav , ol 8' dvdpcoTrot 
Kara(f)vy6vT€s els rd oprj Sieacodrjoav, rjrrov kclXtjv 
alriav efyov tois drroXeoaoL rrjv narpiha Trepmeiv 
[iorjOeiav, dXXd pur), toXs dpivvopLevois vrrep ttjs 
Koivfjs eXevdepias dpbvvew. on 8* ovk enaiveaai 
fiovXrjdels ArjpLOKpirov, dAA' err' aloxvvfl ISatjlcov 
C avveOrjKe to ifjevSos, S^Ads* eon tw TTapaXnreZv oXojs 

KCLL TTapCLOlCDTTfjOai TO ArjfJLOKpLTOV KCLTOpdcopLOL KCLL 

TTjv dpiOTelav, rjv 3 e.7Tiypdp J p,ovTi HipLcoviSrjs eSrjXtocre' 

ArjpLOKpiTos TpiTos rjp^e f^dx^jS , ° T€ ^P EaAa- 
puva 
"EXXrjves M.tj8ol£ ovpbfiaXov ev TreXdyec 
7t4vt€ Se vfjas eXev Srjtwv, eKTrjv 8' vrrd X € W a 

pVOCLTO j8a/>j8a/)6AC^V 4 AcO/k'S' dXlGKO[JL€Vr)V. 

37. 'AAAd tl dv Tis dyavaKTolrj rrepl Na£ia>v; el 
ydp elotv dvTiTrohes rjpicjv, tborrep evioi Xeyovot, 
TTJs yfjs rd KaTOj TrepioiKovvTes, of/xcu /xt^S' eKeivovs 
dvrjKoovs elvai QepuoTOKXeovs koli tov ©e/xtaro- 
i<Xeovs fiovXevpLCLTOSy o fiovXevoas ttj 'EAAdSt vav- 
D /xa^Tjaat 5 7Tpo ttjs HaXapbTvos ISpvoaTo vadv 'Apt- 
GToftovXrjs 6 'ApTepuSos ev MeAmy, tov fiapfidpov 

1 itcMoai E : igeXaaai B (cf. 865 c). 

2 KaraTrprjoavTa <ra Upd, avrovs Be Na£tovs ovoev iirixeiprj- 
oavTa> TTOiijoai kolkov L. P. following Cobet : Karairprjoavra 
7TOirjoai kolkov : KaraTrXevoavra ttXolois e/carov Emperius (vavolv 
€kclt6v Wyttenbach). 

3 Bernardakis would add eV. 

98 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869 

temples but did not attempt to do any actual harm 
to the people of Naxos. a And if it is true, as Hero- 
dotus has described elsewhere, 6 that the Persians 
burnt and demolished their city and the men saved 
themselves by taking refuge in the mountains, they 
certainly had a fine reason for sending help to the 
destroyers of their country and refusing to join those 
who resisted in the common cause of freedom ! c 
Herodotus evidently invented his story to discredit 
the Naxians and not because he wanted to praise 
Democritus ; this is clear from his complete omission 
and suppression of the heroic exploit of Democritus, 
which is celebrated in an epigram of Simonides d : 

Democritus was third to offer battle 

When Greek and Persian clashed at Salamis. 

Five enemy ships he took ; and, sixth, a Dorian, 
Rescued from capture by barbarians. 

37. But why should one be upset over the Naxians ? 
If there are antipodean peoples, as some say, who 
dwell on the under side of the world, I imagine that 
even they have heard of Themistocles and the Themi- 
toclean plan — how he counselled the Greeks to fight 
for Salamis and subsequently set up a temple of 
Artemis of Good Counsel at Melite, after the bar- 

° The Greek text is corrupt here, and this conjectural 
restoration is based on the account of Herodotus, vi. 96. 

b vi. 96. 

c The argument is quite absurd ; as subjects of Persia the 
Naxians would have no choice in the matter. 

d Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 85. 

4 vtto X € ^P a ' ' • PoLppapiKrjv] oltto x^pos . . . fiappapiKrjs Tur- 
nebus : airo ^ctpcov . . . fiapfiapiK&v Reiske. 

5 vav/j.ax'fjcrcu B : vavfiaxTJcroLS E. 

6 ' Aplgto^ovXtjs Xylander (cf. Life of Themistocles, xxii) : 
fiovXijs. 

99 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(869) KarcnToAefjLrjdevTos. rovro (xev rod 1 QepuoroKXeovs 
6 x a pt €L S ovyypacfrevs ooov e<£' eavrco irapaipov- 
[JL€vos 2 Kal ttjv 86£av €t9 erepov pierage pojv ravra 
ypd<f)€L Kara Ae'£iv " ivravOa Se 3 QepuoroKXea d(f>- 

lKOJJL€VOV €776 TTJV V€CL €ip€TO M.Vr)Gl(/)lXoS dvrjp 'AOrj- 

valos, o re acf>LV etrj fiepovXevpLevov 7tv66jjl€vos ok 
irpos avrov, (hs earl' SeSoy/xeVov 4 dvdyetv rds veas 
rrpos rov 'ladfiov Kal rrpo rrjs UeXorrovvqaov 5 vav- 
fiaxeew, eiTre*' ' ovk 7 dpa, rjv cvrrcupcocu rag veas 
drro HaXapuvos, ovoe irepl purjs* en rrarpioog vav- 
fjLaxrjaeis' Kara yap 77oAet9 eKaaroi rpeifjovrat ' 
E (/cat pier dXiyov) " ' dXXd el rig &m fjLTjxavr), Wl re 
Kal 7766/360 Sta^e'cu ra pefiovXevpieva, rjv Kojg 9 Svvr) 
dvayvcbcrai EupujStaSea fiera^ovXevcraadaL ware 

aVTOV [JL€V€lV. €LU V7T€L7TO)V OTL Kapra TO) 

Qe/xtcrro/cAet rjpeaev rj virodrfKr), Kal ovoev irpog 
ravra dpLecipdpLevog d(j>LK€ro Trpog rov Yivpvfiidhriv," 
ttoXiv avralg Xe^eai yeypa(j>ev " ivravda 8e Qepu- 
aroKXrjg rrapL^ofxevos 11 en 12 KaraXeyet Kelvd re Trdvra 
J 1 a 13 rJKovoe y[vn]oi(f)iXov iajvrov Troievpievog™ Kal 

1 rov Valckenaer : to. 

2 Trapaipovfx^vos Valckenaer : irapairovfitvos. 

3 Sc] Sr) Herodotus mss. 

4 iorl beSoyfxevov Stephanus : e7nSe8oy/xeVov : elr] ScSoyfievov 
Herodotus mss. 

5 HeXoTTovvrjoov B : YVeXoTTOvrjoov E (this variation is con- 
stant and will not be noted again). 

6 €?7T€ Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : omitted in mss. 

7 ovk] ovtol Herodotus. 

8 ov$e 7T€pl fxiijs (as in one ms. of Herodotus)] other mss. of 
Herodotus have rrzpl ovhk jjlltjs or irepl ovScfiirjs* 

9 rjv kws Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : tjXlkcos. 

100 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869 

barians were defeated. But our clever historian does 
everything in his power to obscure the part played by 
Themistocles and to transfer the credit to another 
man. These are his actual words a : " Now when 
Themistocles came to his ship, an Athenian, Mnesi- 
philus by name, asked him what plan had been 
decided by them ; and hearing from him that the 
decision was to withdraw the ships to the Isthmus and 
fight in defence of the Peloponnese, he said : ' In 
that case, if they remove the ships from Salamis, you 
will no longer even have a single native land to fight 
for b ; the men will all go off separately to their own 
cities. 5 ' Then a moment later he says c : " ' But if 
there is any way possible, go and try to upset these 
plans ; perhaps you can somehow persuade Eurybi- 
adas to alter his decision and remain here.' " Then 
Herodotus adds that this suggestion pleased Themis- 
tocles greatly and without saying a word in reply he 
went to Eurybiadas. Again I quote his actual words : 
" And then Themistocles sat down beside him and told 
him everything he had heard from Mnesiphilus, with 
some additions, presenting it as his own opinion." d 

a viii. 57. 1-2. 

b That is, the sense of fighting in defence of a united 
Greece will be lost ; and that is the only thing that holds 
the forces together. 

c Plutarch is abbreviating ; the speech is unbroken in 
Herodotus. 

d viii. 58. 1-2. On Mnesiphilus see Life of Themistocles, 
chap. ii. 

10 fievelv] mss. of Herodotus have /xeveW or fieveiv. 

11 TTapi£6iJ,€vos (or : nape^oficvos) mss. of Herodotus : lacuna 
of 7-9 letters . . . ^oficvos. 

12 ol Herodotus : omitted in mss. 

13 TTOLvra a E : a B : travra ra Herodotus. 

14 7TOL€VfJL€VOS E I 7TOLOVfl€VOS B. 

101 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(869) aAAa 1 TTpooridels." op&s on KaKorjdelas Trpoorpi- 
fierac rdvSpl S6£av, t8cov avrov fiovXevpia TroieZodai 
to rod M.vr] cn(f)LXov Xeywv; 

38. "Et6 Se pbdXXov rtov 'EAAt^cov KarayeXdjv 2 
©e/xtcrro/cAea [lev ovre (frrjol cfrpovrjaai to GvpL<f>epov 
aAAa rrapihelv, os 'OSvocrevs eTrajvopidadr] S6a rrjv 
(f)pov7]oiv, 'Aprepuolav 3 Se rrjv 'HpoSorou ttoXZtiv, 
fjL7)$€vds 8i8d£avTos, avrrjv a(/> 5 iavrfjs e7TLVorjoaoav 
Sep^rj TtpoenreZv? <hs " ovy oloi re 7toXX6v y^povov 
eoovrai rot dvreyeiv ol "EAA^ves", aAAa areas' 8ca- 

870 GKeSqs, 5 Kara 7r6Xeis Se eKaorot ^>ev^ovrai m kcli ovk 
zIkos clvtovs, fjv ov inl rrjv YieXoTTovvr]oov eXavvrjs 

TOV 77e£oV GTpCLTOV, aTp€fJL1]0€LV, G Ov8e G(f)LV LieXrj- 

oeiv TTpo rcov 'Adrjvecov 7 vavpiax^v' rjv Se clvtikcl 
€TT€ixOrjs vavpLa)(fioai, SetLiaiva) pur) 6 vclvtlkos arpa- 

TOS KCLKCodels KCLL 8 TOV 7T€^OV 9 7TpOo8r)Xr)07)TaL." 10 

ravra Liev ovv iierpajv evSeZ rep 'HpoSdra), 2t/3uA- 
Aav drrocfrfjvaL 11 ttjv * ApreLLioLav rd iieXXovra irpo- 
0€O7TL^ovaav ovtcos aKpifiojs. 816 kcli Sep^s avrfj 
rrapeScjKe tovs eavrov ttclZScls drrdyeiv els "E(f)ecrov 
eTTeXeXrjoro yap e/c IZovacov, ws eotKev, dyetv yv- 
vclZkcls, el yvvaiKeias iSeovro 12 TTapaTTOLiTrrjs ol ttcu- 
Ses. 

39. 'AAA' o 13 Liev eifjevGTOU, Xoyos rjLiZv ov8els' 

1 aAAa] aAAa 7roAAa mss. of Herodotus. 

2 KarayeXwv B : KareyeXwv E. 

3 'ApTeiiicrlav B : ' ApT€fjL€icriav E (so also below). 

4 7rpo€L7T€iv Stephanus : tt pooeiTTC.lv. 

5 hiaoKtoas Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : Siaa/ccSia E : 
oiaoKtoiav B. 

6 drpefirjaeiv] mss. of Herodotus have drpefuctv or drpeueW. 

7 'hd-qveaiv Bernardakis (with some Herodotus mss.) : 'Afl^- 
vaiwv (as in others). 

102 



r 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869-870 

You see how he contrives to make Themistocles 
look like a dishonest man, making him present the 
plan of Mnesiphilus as if it were his own. 

38. His mockery of the Greeks goes even farther. 
Not content with saying that Themistocles never re- 
cognized what ought to be done and that it escaped 
his notice — this man who was nicknamed Odysseus 
for his cleverness — he makes his own fellow citizen 
Artemisia see it all by herself, with no one to prompt 
her, and warn Xerxes. " The Greeks will not be able 
to hold out for long against you," she says, " you will 
scatter them, they will take flight, each man to his 
own city ; and if you advance your land forces against 
the Peloponnese, it is unlikely that they will remain 
where they are or be concerned at all to fight in 
defence of Athens ; if, on the other hand, you are in 
a great hurry to fight a naval battle, my fear is that 
the navy, if it suffers defeat, will involve the land 
force in disaster also." a All that Herodotus needs 
here is verse to present Artemisia as a Sibyl — so 
accurately does she predict the future. And so 
Xerxes handed over his own sons to her to take back 
to Ephesus. 6 It seems that he had forgotten to 
bring any women from Susa — if the boys really needed 
a woman's protection on the journey. 

39. However we are not concerned with the fact 

a viii. 68. j8-y. b viii. 103. 

8 Kal] not in Herodotus mss. 

9 tt€^6v Stephanus, from Herodotus : not in mss. 

10 Trpoahr]\rjcriqTaL editors of Herodotus : 7rpo8r)\rjor)Tai (as in 
some mss. of Herodotus ; others have rr poaS^XrjacT 'at). 

11 a7ro</yfjvai\ <Ls aTTO(f>r}vat Reiske. 

12 ibeovTo] Perhaps hiowro should be read. 

13 dAA' o Stephanus : dAA' a Bernardakis : dXXco : dAA' ws, 
dAA' on, or dAAcos fiev el also possible. 

103 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(870) 

j> a Se ye Kareipevarat 1 fiovov e^erdc^ofjiev. cfrrjal 

tolvvv 'Adrjvaiovs Xeyeiv, chs 'Aheifiavros 6 Koptv- 

Sicov arparriyos, ev X € P OL T ^ )V ^oXepbicov yevofievcov , 

virepeKTrXayels kcli KaraSeucras e(f>evyev t ov TTpvpuvav 

Kpovcrdfjievos ovSe SlclSvs aVpe/xa Sta rcov /xa^o/xe- 

vcov, aAAa. Aa/jLTTpcos eTraipopievos tcl carta kcli ret? 

vavs ctTrdoas anoaTpeifjas' elra fjuevrot KeXrjs eXavvo- 

puevos avrco avvervxe rrepl ra Xrjyovra rrjs 2aAa- 

jjlwlcls, €K 8e rov KeXrjros ecfrOey^aro tls' " ov jjl€v, 

<L 'ASet/xa^re, (f>evyeis Kararrpohovs rovs "^XXrjvas' 

C ol he. koX Srj vlkcogl, Kaddirep rjpcdvro ernKparrjaaL 

rcov exOpcov." 6 he KeXys ovtos rjv, cos eoacev, 

ovpavoTrerrj?' ri yap ehei (f>eiheo6cLL 2 pLrjxcLvfjs rpayc- 

KTJSy ev TTacTi rols aXXois virepTraiovra rovs rpayco- 

hovs dXa^oveia; rnorevoas ovv 6 'AheifiavTos " eir- 

avrjXdev els to orparoirehov err* e(;eipyaapLevois z ' 

avrrj cadres e^et vtto 'Adr)vaLcov ov puevroi KoptV- 

Olol ojxoXoyeovoiv , aAAa ev TTpcoroiai Greets avrovs 

rrjg vavpbax^s vopbtl^ovoL yeveodac pbaprvpel oe 

CT(f>L KCLI 7] ClXXt] 'JLXXds" 

Toiovros euTLV ev ttoXXoZs 6 d'vdpcoiros*' erepas 

kclO* erepcov hiafioXds kclI Karrjyoptas KararL0rjoLV } 5 

D coore fjirj hiajxaprelv rov (fxxvfjvai riva Trdvrcos ttovtj- 

pov coenrep evravOa Trepieoriv avrco, aTTiorovpLevovs 

' Adrjvaiovs , 6 TTtarevopievr]? he 7 rfjs hiapoXrjs Kopiv- 

1 a 8e ye KaretpevGrat Turnebus : a be tlvcov Karei/jevorai 
Herwerden : a Be rcov 'EXXrjvcov Kareiffevcrrat Wyttenbach : 
aBer . . . (lacuna of 4 letters) i/jevarai. 

2 cfreiBeoQai Emperius : T-qraodai Valckenaer : atrexeodai 
Wyttenbach : rideoQai. 

Ot? 

3 err* e^eipyaofievois Turnebus : eV igeipyaojjLevos B : eVe^etp- 
yavfievos E. 

104 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870 

that he tells lies ; we are examining only his malicious 
lies. According to him the Athenians say that, when 
the enemy approached, the Corinthian commander, 
Adeimantus, was seized with abject terror and took 
to flight, not by backing water and slipping quietly 
through the ranks of the fighters, but openly raising 
sail and making all his ships turn with him ; and then, 
at the far end of the island of Salamis, a speeding 
cutter caught up with him and someone from the 
cutter called out : " So you are running away, 
Adeimantus, and you have betrayed the Greeks 
basely ; and yet the victory is already in their hands, 
the victory over the enemy that they prayed to win.' , 
It seems that this cutter fell down from the skies — 
since he is more theatrical in every other respect than 
the writers of tragedy, why should he avoid using the 
machinery of the stage ? And so Adeimantus be- 
lieved what he was told and " returned to the camp 
to find that all was over ; such is the Athenian story, 
though the Corinthians dispute it and maintain that 
they played a leading part in the battle ; and the rest 
of Greece supports their contention." a 

This is what the fellow does so frequently ; he piles 
up different slanderous charges against different 
people, so that someone is bound to appear in a bad 
light in any event. And so here the result for him is 
that the Athenians are discredited if the charge is 
disbelieved, the Corinthians if it is believed. I don't 

a viii. 94. 1-4. 

4 eV 7toXXols 6 avQpaiTTOS B : 6 dvdpa)7ros eV ttoXXols E. 

5 Kararid'qoLv B : k . . . tWtjglv E. 

6 a.7norovfjLevovs 'Adrjvaiovs transferred by L. P. : follows 
dSo£e«V in mss. : a.7rLOTovjji€V7]s 8e, 'Adrjvaiovs Stephanus. 

7 Se] fi€v Stephanus. 

105 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(870) diovs aSo^etv. ot/zat Se {/x^r' 'Adrjvaiajv avrov 
OLKovaai kclki^ovtcov VLopwdiovsy /JLrjTe 1 Kopivdlcov 
'AOtjvollovs, dXXd tovtcjov 2 dpb^orepcov ojjlov kcltcl- 
i/jevSeadai. QovkvSlStjs yovv, avrtXiyovra ttolcov 
tco KopLvOicp rov 'AOrjvcuov iv Aa/ceSat/zovt /cat 770A- 
Aa 7Tepl tcjv Mr)8iKO)v Xaparpwopievov epycov /cat 
TTepl rrjg iv SaAa/xtVt vau/xa^tas 1 , ovSepbtav clitlolv 
irpohooias rj Xnrora^las* iirevrjvoxe Koptv^tots • 
oi>$e yap €lkos rjv 'A^vatov 4 ravra f}Xao<f)r)pL€iv 

7T€pl TTJS K.Oplv9lO)V TToXeOJSy fjV TplT7)V fJL€V £d)pa 5 

jLtera AaKeSaipbovtovs /cat /x€t' clvtovs 6 iyyapowTO- 
E jJL€V7]v rot? oltto Tcbv Papfidpoov avadr]pLaoiv . iv 8e 
SaAa/xtvt 7iapa ttjv ttoXlv e8coKav clvtols ddijjai re 
tovs oLTTodavovraSj cbs dvSpas dyaOovs yevopcevovs, 
/cat 7 imypd^jaL rdSe to iXeyetov 

J) ^€LV y y S €Vv8pOV 7TOT ivdlOpL€V CLGTV K.OplvdoV, 

vvv 8' ajLt 5 Aiavros 9 vdaos e'^et SaAa/xt?. 

ivddSe Qoiviooas vrjas /cat Ilepcras' eAovre? 

/cat Mt^Sous', tcpav 'EAAaSa pvadpueda. 10 

1 01/xat Se <ft^r' *Adr)vaicov avrov olkovocli kclki^ovtcov Kopuv- 
diovs> fii]T€ L. P. : 771; of/xat /x^Se Wyttenbach : ol /x^oe E : rj 
ol [JL7] Se B. 

2 toutow] tovtov Turnebus. 

3 XnroTatjlas Bernardakis : Xenrora^Las. 

4 *Adrjvalov L. P. : 'Adrjvalovs Reiske : 'Adrjvatois. 

5 ia>pa] iwpwv Xylander. 

6 /xct' olvtovs Turnebus : /xer' avrcjv E : /Lter* aureus (-ous or 
-wp?) B. 

7 /cat Basel edition : omitted in mss. 

8 feu/ Wilamowitz : f eVe. 

9 S' a/x' Alamos Valckenaer, Bergk : Se /xcr* Alclvtos Dio 
Chrysostom, 37 : ]vros[ IG i 2 . 927 : S' avattaros". 

10 pvadfxeda Pletho, Jacobs : pvo/xeda. 

106 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870 

believe that he ever heard the Athenians making any 
such complaint against the Corinthians or the Corin- 
thians complaining of the Athenians. I think he is 
libelling both parties at the same time. Thucydides 
represents an Athenian speaker at Sparta countering 
the speech of a Corinthian and making many fine 
claims about Athenian prowess in the Persian Wars, 
including the battle of Salamis a ; but he never intro- 
duces any charge of treachery or desertion against the 
Corinthians ; nor is it likely that an Athenian would 
make such abusive remarks about Corinth, when he 
could see the name of that city inscribed third in 
order on the barbarian spoils offered to the gods, 
following the name of the Spartans and the Athe- 
nians b ; and on Salamis the Corinthians were per- 
mitted to bury their dead near the city, as men who 
had fought bravely, and to inscribe this verse over 
them : 

Hail stranger ! Once by Corinth's fairest springs we 
dwelt ; 
Now Salamis, isle of Ajax, holds our dust. 
Phoenician ships we smote here, Medes and Persians 
felled, 
And kept the holy land of Hellas free. c 

a i. 73-78, esp. 73. 2-74. 4. 

6 Notably on the Serpent Column, the offering made to 
Apollo at Delphi (Herodotus, ix. 81. 1) which is now in 
Istanbul ; for the text see Tod, Gk. Hist. Inscr. i, no. 19. 

c Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 93 ; a marble slab 
found on Salamis has a two-line inscription which appears to 
be the first couplet of this epitaph (Tod, Gk. Hist. Inscr. i, 
no. 19 ; J. H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, 
Fig. 2). But the lettering on the stone is more in keeping 
with a much earlier date (before 600 b.c), and it may in fact 
commemorate the death of Corinthians in an earlier expedi- 
tion to Salamis. Cf. R. Carpenter, Am. Journ. Phil, lxxxiv. 
(1963), pp. 81-83. 

107 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(870) to 8' iv 'ladfJLO) K€vord(/)Lov iiriypacfrrjv e^ec ravrrjv 

olk/jl&s ioTCLKvlav iirl £vpov 'EAAaSa TTOLOCLV 
F reus avrcov 1 ifjvxcus Kelfieda pvadfievoi. 

AtoScopov Se tlvos rcov T&opivOitov rpirjpdpxajv iv 
lepco Arjrovs dvadrjixaoi k€ljjl€vols kcli tovt* iireyi- 
ypaiTTO 2 ' 

TaVT OLTTO 8vOjJL€V€COV M^StOV VCLVTCLL 3 AloStopOV 

ottX dvddev* Aarol, fJLvdfiara vaujLta^ta?. 5 

avros ye fjLrjv 6 'ASei/zavTO?, to rrXelora AoiSopov- 
fievos 'HpoSoros SiareXet kcli Xeycov, " jjlovvov 
ao7TCLLpeiv 6 rcov OTparrjycov, cbs </>€t>£o/zevov an* 
' KprejAioiov koli firj TTepLfievovvra," OKoirei riva 
86£av elxw 

ovtos ' ASeifjidvTov k€lvov rdcfios, ov Sia Tracra 7 
'EAAas" 8 iXevdeptas apajyedero 9 orecpavov. 

871 Ovre yap reXevrfjoavrL Toiavrrjv €lkos rjv dv8pl 
SeiXcp kcll 7rpo86rrj yeveodaL TLfjLrjv, ovr av iroX- 
jjirjare rcov dvyarepcov ovo/xa deodai rfj puev Naucri- 
vlkt]v rfj 8' *AKpodLviov rfj 8' 'AAe^tjSiav, 'ApLorea 
8e KaXeoai rov vlov, el pjr\ tls rjv lirifydveia koX Aa/x- 
7Tp6rrjs 7T€pl avrov diro rcov epycov €K€lvojv. kcll 

1 avrcov Scholiast on Aristophanes : avrcov. 

2 eTreyiypCLTTTO E : kniyeypaTrrai B. 

3 vavrat Stephanus : avrai. 

4 avedav Blomfield : dviOevro. 

5 vavfiaxtas E : vav/xaxtys B. 

6 ao7raip€Lv Cobet (cf. Herodotus, viii. 5) : diraiptiv. 

7 ov Sla Traoa] ov 8td fiovXas Dio Chrysostom, 37. 

8 'EAAas E : j c EAAd<r B. 

9 iXevdepias dfjL<f>ed€To Pletho, Basel edition : iXcvOeplas 
afjLtfrddevTO B : iXcvdcptapLcfredevTO E. 

108 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870-871 

And this is the inscription on the cenotaph at 
Isthmus a : 

We lie here who, when on a razor's edge 

The life of Greece stood trembling, gave our own. b 

And here is the inscription on the offerings in the 
temple of Leto made by one of the Corinthian cap- 
tains, Diodorus : 

The crew of Diodorus took 
These arms from Persian foes ; 
To Leto here they offered them 
In memory of that fight. c 

Or take Adeimantus himself, the man on whom 
Herodotus constantly loads insults, saying that " he 
alone held out, saying he would flee and not stay at 
Artemisium " d — consider the reputation he held : 

Here buried Adeimantus lies, and thanks to him 
All Greece put Freedom's crown upon her head. e 

It is not likely that a man would be given such 
honour as this after death if he had been a coward and 
traitor, nor would he have dared to call one of his 
daughters Nausinice and another Acrothinion and 
another Alexibia/ and to call his son Aristeus/ unless 
his behaviour on that occasion had invested him with 
some fame and distinction. Furthermore, the Corin- 

° The precinct of Poseidon where the Isthmian Games 
were held. 

6 Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 95, Palatine Anth. vii. 
250 ; an expanded version in three couplets also exists. 

c Palatine Anth. vi. 215, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, 
p. 103. d viii. 5. 1. Cf. above, 867 b— 868 a. 

e Palatine Anth. vii. 347, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, 
p. 95. 

f " She who wins the day with ships," " First offerings 
of thanksgiving," " She who repels force." 

9 " He who excels." 

109 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(871) firjv on [JLovai rwv f EAA7piSa>v at KoptV0tat yvval- 
Kes €v£clvto rrjv KaXrjv €K€ivrjv /cat Sat/xoVtov evxrjv, 
epcora roZs avSpdort rrjs irpos rovs fiapfidpovs pax^s 
B e/z/3aAetv ttjv 1 deov, oi>x ottojs tovs 2 rrepl rov 'Hpo- 
Sorov dyvorjaai mdavov rjv, aAA' ovSe rov €oya jT0V 
Kapwv SiefiorjOr) yap to 7rpay\ia /cat TiijjlcoviStjs 
iiroLTjaev inly pa/Apia, ^aA/caw ecKovcov dvaoraOet- 
atov iv rep vaa> 3 rfjs 'AcfrpoSlrrjs, ov ISpvoaodai, 
M^Setav Xeyovow, ol jjl€V clvttjv iravaapiivyp^ rdv- 

8pOS, OL 8' 6776 Tip TOV 'IaCTOVa TTJS 0eVtSo9 5 ip&VTOL 
7TCLVOOLL TTjV 6 0€OV. TO S* €77ty/>a/X/Xa TOVT €OTLV 

at'S' vrrep 'EAAavan> re /cat Wu/xa^cov 7 7ToAtojTaV 8 
eoraOev 9 €v^dfJL€vaL KvirpcSi SatjitoVtat. 10 

ov yap ro£o(j)6poiOLV e^Sero Si* 'A^/ooStra 11 
M.rj§ois 'EAAdVa>v d/cpo7ToAtv TTpoSofMev. 

C ravr* e'Set ypd<j)€iv /cat toutojv pbepLvrjod at fiaXXov rj 

1 t^ Pletho, Stephanus : toi>. 

2 tot)? added by Turnebus, not in mss. 

3 vaco B : va> E. 

4 7ravcroLfjL€vr)v] Wyttenbach would add ipcjoav. 

5 ©eViSo?] KpcovrtSos Meziriacus. 

6 ttjv Stephanus : rov. 

7 Wvfjidxojv B : eldvfidxojv E : €vdv}idxo)v Athenaeus : dy^c- 
paxcov Scholiast on Pindar. 

8 tto\l7]t6Lv Pletho, Stephanus : ttoXit&v. 

9 Zoradzv B : earaOev E : ioraaav Scholiast on Pindar. 

10 Saifiovicu] haifiovia Bernardakis. 

11 Si' 'A0po8tra Pletho, Stephanus : hi 'A<j>pohlrav. 

a The typical " ignorant rustic " (cf. above, 860 e). 

6 On the summit of Acrocorinth, with a statue of Aphrodite 
in armour. Cf. Pausanias, ii. 5. 1. The prayer of these 
women — the hetaerae, who are her sacred devotees — should 
be understood as a plea for her help in her warrior aspect ; 

110 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871 

thian women were the only women in Greece who 
offered that splendid inspired prayer that the goddess 
should fire their husbands with a passionate love for 
battle with the barbarian ; it is incredible that a man 
like Herodotus should be unaware of this ; even the 
remotest Carian a must have heard of it, because the 
story was in everyone's mouth and Simonides wrote 
an epigram for the bronze statues that were set up 
in the temple of Aphrodite b (the temple which 
Medea is supposed to have established, according to 
one version when she found herself no longer in love 
with her husband, according to another to thank the 
goddess for curing Jason of his love for Thetis c ). 
This is the epigram : 

Here stand those ladies who to Cypris prayed 
For Greece and for our stalwart fighting men. 
The gods were with them ; Aphrodite vowed 
Our stronghold should not fall to Persian bows. d 

Here is something that he should have recorded — 
here is something worth remembering — instead of 

she is the armed protectress of Corinth. Of. E. Will, Korin- 
thiaka, pp. 225-7, 

c It is usual to suppose that the name Thetis is a mistake 
(either of Plutarch himself or of a scribe) and that the refer- 
ence is to Creon's daughter, Glauce, the bride of Jason whom 
Medea murdered with the poisoned robe, as in Euripides' 
Medea. But it may not be a mistake. According to Atheno- 
dorus of Eretria (Miiller, Frag. Hist. Oraec. iv, p. 345) 
Medea engaged in a beauty contest in Thessaly with Thetis 
and was judged the loser by Idomeneus ; this might mean 
that Jason fell in love with Thetis and Medea fell out of love 
with him, but that both were " cured " by Aphrodite before 
they came to Corinth. 

d Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 101. The story of the 
Corinthian women and the epigram was recorded by Theo- 
pompus and Timaeus {Frag. Or. Hist, ii b, no. 115, F. 285 ; 
iii b, no. 566, F. 10). 

Ill 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(871) ttjv ' AfJL€LVOKXeovs epifiaAelv avpufropdv /cat 1 iraioo- 
<j>ovlav. 

40. To>v Toivvv alrtcov 2 tojv Kara QepnoTOKAeovs 
dveSrjv 3 ep,cf)opr]deis, ev ots KAerrrovra /cat irAeove- 
ktovvtcl Addpa tcjv dAAojv arparr]ya>v ov (frrjai 
iravoaodai irepl ras vrjcrovs, reAos* avrcov 'Adrj- 
vaiojv tov arec/xivov dcfyeAofievos AlyivrjTais eiriTi- 
drjGLy ypdcfxov raura* " Trepufjavres aKpoOivia oi 
"FtAArjves els AeAcfrovs enrfpajTajv tov deov kolvyj, el 
AeAdfirjKe TrArjpea /cat dpeard ra 4 aKpodivia* o Se 
Trap* c EAA^va)v piev ra>v cxAAcdv efirjaev eyeiv, Trap* 
D Alyivrjreojv Se ov, aAA' dnaiTee avTovs 5 ra dpiGreia 
rfjs iv ZaAajuxvt vavpLa^Las." ovKeri TtKvOais ov8e 
Hepaais ov$' Alyvirriois tovs eavrov Aoyovs aVa- 
Ttdrjai TrAdrrajv, cjarrep Algojttos Kopa£i /cat Tridrj- 
kois, dAAd rep tov Yivdiov rrpocroj7Tcp ^pojpievos 
aTToydel tcjv eV 6 SaAa/uvt irpcjTeicjv ras 'A^vas*. 
@e/uoTO/cAet Se tcjv Sevrepecwv ev 'loOpLcp yevo- 
\ievcjv hid to tcjv GTpaTtyyCdV e/caarov avTco piev to 
TrpojTeiov eKeivcp Se to SevTepeiov diroSovvai, /cat 

1 oviA<f>opav koi L. P. : rfj loropia Bernardakis : lacuna of 
12 letters in mss. 

2 glltiwv Wyttenbach : alricov. 

3 avihiqv Wyttenbach : avatSrjv. 

4 ra added by Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : omitted 
in mss. 

5 a7ratT€€ olvtovs Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : aTrrjXQev 
iavrovs. 

6 iv added by Wyttenbach : omitted in mss. 

° See above, 864 c. b viii. 112. 

c viii. 122. The Greek is ambiguous (perhaps deliber- 
ately). It could mean either that the god wants them to 
thank him because they have won the prize or that he wants 
them to award him the prize. Plutarch takes it the first way 

112 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871 

dragging in the sorry tale of Ameinocles killing his 
son. tt 

40. After he has made the most of the accusations 
levelled against Themistocles, telling how he con- 
tinually went the round of the islands dishonestly 
enriching himself unknown to the other generals, b he 
finishes by turning against the Athenians themselves, 
takes the victor's crown from them and bestows it on 
the Aeginetans. This is what he writes : " After the 
Greeks had sent the first fruits of victory in thanks- 
giving to Delphi, they combined to ask the god if the 
first fruits he had received were full and satisfactory ; 
and the god replied that he was satisfied with the 
offerings of all the Greeks except the Aeginetans ; 
from them he demanded their prize for supreme 
valour in the battle of Salamis." c Thus he no longer 
picks Scythians or Persians or Egyptians to utter the 
sayings which he invents himself— as Aesop picks 
crows and apes d — but he uses the Pythian god as his 
mouthpiece to prevent the Athenians from receiving 
the first prize for valour at Salamis. e According to 
Herodotus the second prize was given to Themistocles 
at Isthmus, when each of the commanders awarded 
himself the first prize and Themistocles the second 

and Herodotus does say that the Aeginetans won the greatest 
renown of all Greeks in the battle, with the Athenians 
coming next (viii. 93. 1) ; but since they answer the god's 
demand by offering three golden stars on a bronze mast, 
they may be recognizing the part played by the god when 
he sent them a sign of victory (see How and Wells on viii. 
122). 

d For Plutarch's interest in Aesop see Septem Sapientium 
Convivium, 

e Later tradition may have insisted that the first prize was 
in fact awarded to Athens (cf. Isocrates, Panegyric, 72). If 
so, Plutarch's anger is the more readily understood. 

113 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(871) reXos rrjs Kpioeojs p^r) Xapovorjs, 8eov alridoaodai 
E rrjv (jyiXoTijiiav rwv orparrjycov, rravras aTTOTrXevoal 
<f)7]<7L tovs "JLXXrjvas vtto (j)dovov per) ^ovXrjdevras 
dvayopevcrai rov av8pa rrpcorov. 

41. 'Ev 8e rfj evdrrj /cat reXevraia rcov ptftXcov, 

OOOV rjV VTToXoLTTOV €TL TTJS 1 TTpOS AaKeSoUfJLOVLOVS 

avrtp Svajjueveias 2 e/c^eat G7T€v8a>v, to Trap* avrov 3 
a^et'Aero tt)v aoi8ifXov vlktjv /cat to TTepiftoTyrov 
HAarataat KaropOcofia rrjs rroXeoJS. yeypacfye yap 
ojs rrporepov jxev d)ppd)8ovv tovs 41 'AOrjvalovs, pur) 
TreiodevTes vtto MapSovlov tovs "EXXrjvas eyKara- 
Xittojol, 5 rod 8' 'lod/jLov Tei^LodevTos ev da^aAet 
dejxevoi rrjv TleXoTTOvvrjcFov rjpieXovv rj8rj tcov aXXcov 
/cat Trepieojpojv, ioprd^ovres ot/cot /cat tovs Trpeo^eis 
tcl>v 'AOrjvaiojv KaTeipojvevop,evoi /cat 8iarpifSovT€S* 
F ttcos ovv e£rjX6ov els nAaTata? 6 77evra/ctcr^tAtot 
27rapTtarat, rrepl avrov 7 eyo>v dvrjp eKaoros errTa 
etXajras; r) ttcos klv8vvov dpd/zevot tooovtov e/cpa- 
rrjaav /cat KareftaXov puvpidSas rooavras ; clkovgov 
ainas TTiuavrjs' eTV^e, cprjocv, ev luTrapTrj 
7Tap€7n8rjiJLcov 9 e/c Teyeas dvrjp oVo/za XctAeajs*, & 
c/>t'Aot Tives /cat £evoi tcov i(f>6pojv rjoav ovros ovv 
eTreicrev avTOVS eKTrepufjai to orpdrevfjia, Xeyoov on 
rov Staret^ta/xaros' ov8ev o(f>eX6s ecrrt YieXoTTovvri- 
glols, av 'AOrjvaloc M.ap8ovlcp TTpooyevajvrai." 
tovto Uavcravtav e^rjyayev els YlXaTatas pierd rrjs 
oil bvvapLeajs' et oe tl /carea^e^ oiKeiov ev ieyea 

1 €TL rrjs Emperius : iv rfj. 2 Bvafievcias E : hvapLeveia B. 

ov 
3 avrov B : avrov E. 
4 (hppcoSovv rovs Reiske : 6ppa>8ovvras* 

5 iyKaraXiTTOJGL B : ey/caraAetVcocrt E. 
6 els IIAaratas Leonicus : e/c UAaraias* 
114 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871-872 

prize ; and so no final decision was reached ; but 
instead of censuring their selfish ambition Herodotus 
merely says that all the Greeks sailed away after 
envy had made them refuse him the first place. a 

41 . .In his ninth and last book he was anxious to 
vent all that was left of his venom against the Spar- 
tans and he did his best to deprive their city of its 
glorious victory and famous achievement at Plataea. 
This appears from his saying that previously they 
were afraid the Athenians might be persuaded by 
Mardonius and might abandon the Greek cause, but 
once the isthmus was fortified and they considered 
that the Peloponnese was safe, they no longer paid 
any attention to the rest but simply ignored them, 
keeping festival at home while they put off the 
Athenian envoys with empty words and wasted their 
time. & How did it happen, then, that five thousand 
Spartan citizens marched out to Plataea, each man 
with seven helots to attend him ? or that they 
accepted the great hazard, won the day, and slew so 
many thousands ? Listen to his convincing explana- 
tion : "It happened/' he says, " that a man called 
Cheileos was in Sparta on a visit from Tegea, who was 
bound by ties of friendship and hospitality to some of 
the ephors ; and it was he who persuaded them to 
send out their army, telling them that the wall across 
the isthmus would be useless to the Peloponnesians 
if the Athenians went over to Mardonius." c This, it 
appears, is what brought Pausanias and his men out 
to Plataea ; and if some private business or other had 

° viii. 123. 1-124. 1. b ix. 6-8. 

c ix. 9 (a paraphrase, not a quotation). 

7 avrov B : avrov E. 8 curias Stephanus : curia. 

9 TrapcTnSrjiJiajv Turnebus : 7ra/>e7uo/>cuxa>v. 

115 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(872) rrpdyiia rov XetAecov eKelvov, ovk av rj 'EAAa? 
Trepieyevero. 

42. TiaXiv 8e rols 'AOrjvaioLS ovk eyoav 6 tl XPV~ 

OOUTO, 7TOT€ fl€V CUpei, 1 770T6 8e KCLTafidWei TTJV 
TToXlV CIVCX) KCLl KOLTO) fJL€Ta(f)€ptOV , ovs TeyeOLTCUS jJL€V 

els dycova Xeyei rrepl rtov 8evrepeiojv Karaordvras 
'HpaAcActSdV re fJL€jJLvrja6aL kclI rd rrpos ^Apca^ovas 
Trpa^devra 7Tpo<f>epeiv racf)ds re Y{eXo7Tovv7]aiojv rcov 
vtto rfj KaSjU-eta TreaovTOJV kol reXos els rov Mapa- 
Ocova Karafialveiv ra> Xoyco ^LXoripbovfJievovs /cat 
dyaTTwvras rjyepLovias rvyelv rov dpiarepov Kepa>s' 

B dXiyov 2 8' varepov avrols Ylavoaviav kclI S7rap- 
ridras rrjs rjyefjiovLas vfyieoQai, koll 7rapaKaXe.lv 
ottojs Kara YYepoas dvTiTayQ&oi to 8e^i6v Kepas 
TTapaXafiovres , avrols 8e Trapaoovres to evojvv/Jiov, 
ws drfieia tt)v rrpos rovs fiapftdpovs p^dyy]v ano- 
Xeyopuevovs? Kalrot yeXolov, el pur) ovvrjdeis elev ol 
TToXepuoi, jLta^ecr^at fxrj OeXeiv. 

'AAAa rovs y* dXXovs "ILXXrjvas els erepov vtto 
tcjv GTpaTrjywv dyopuevovs arparorrehov, " ojs €/a- 

G vrjdrjorav," (f>rjoi, " fyevyeiv dapuevajs rr)v lttttov rrpos 
rrjv tow IlAaTatecov 4 ttoXlv, (j>evyovras 8' dcfrtKeodaL 

1 irore /jl€v atp€t added by Reiske : no lacuna marked 

in mss. 

ov 

2 oXiyov E : oXiyco B. 

e 

3 GLTToXeyofxivovs Wyttenbach : airoXoyovfxevovs E : aTroXoyov- 
fxevovs B. 

4 tcov UXcltclUcov B : eV UXaraUcov E : TiXaraUcjv mss. of 
Herodotus. 

116 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872 

kept this man Cheileos in Tegea, Greece would not 
have survived. 

42. On the other hand he cannot decide how to 
treat the Athenians, but shifts them up and down, 
raising their city to the skies one moment and casting 
it down the next. He says that they disputed with 
the Tegeans the right to command on the left wing, 
a post which would put them next in honour to the 
Spartans and which would satisfy their ambition ; 
and after beginning with a reference to the Hera- 
clidae and Athenian exploits in the battle against the 
Amazons and pointing out how they gave burial to 
the Peloponnesians who fell at the foot of the Cad- 
meia, they finally came down to recent times with an 
appeal to Marathon. a Then a little later, according 
to Herodotus, Pausanias and the Spartans relin- 
quished their command to the Athenians, inviting 
them to take over the right wing, so that they would 
be opposite the Persians, and hand over the left wing 
to the Spartans. 6 Thus the Spartans are supposed to 
disqualify themselves for fighting the barbarians be- 
cause of their lack of experience. But it is absurd 
that they should be unwilling to face an enemy unless 
they had had previous experience with him. 

As for the rest of the Greeks, however, he describes 
how their generals started to lead them to another 
camping ground, " and," he says, " when the move 
began they gladly seized the chance to run away 
from the enemy's cavalry into the city of Plataea, and 
their flight brought them to the temple of Hera." c 

a ix. 26-27. 

b ix. 46. Plutarch has omitted to say that, according to 
Herodotus (ix. 28-29) the Spartans gave the Athenians pre- 
ference over the Tegeans and put them on the left wing. 

c ix. 52. 

117 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(872) TTpos to 'Hpcuov "■ iv to Kal arreideiav Kal Xnrora- 
^iav 1 Kol rrpoSooiav ojjlov tl 2 ttolvtcov Karrjyoprjoe. 
reXos Se piovovs (f>r)ol rols piev fiapfidpois Aa/ceSax- 
jjlovlovs kolI Teyedras tois Se Qrjfiaiois 'Adrjvaiovs 
GVjJL7T€o6vras hiayojvioaodai, rds 8' aAAa? iroXeis 
opiaXchs arrdoas rod KaropdcLfiaros aTTeoreprjKev 
" ovSiva 3 avve^dipaoOai rod dycovos, dXXa Ka6rj- 
fievovs rravras em ra>v ottXojv iyyvs KaraXnreiv 

KCLL TTpoSoVVai TOVS V7T€p OLVTCOV /Xa^O/XeVoUS" Olfj€ 

Se <f>Xiaoiovs kcll WLeyapeas rrvdofievovs viKwvra 
Tlavoaviav, Trpoo^epopiivovs Kal i/JLTreoovras els 
to ®7]f3aia)v Ittttlkov, ovSevl Xoyca 8ia(f>daprjvai' Ko- 
pivdiovs Se rfj piev pidxj} ^V Trapayeveodai, /xera 

D 8e TTjV VLK7JV €7T€tyOfJL€VOVS SlCt TCOV X6(f)COV y JJL7] 

7T€pL7T€oelv 4 ' tois irnrevoi tcov &7]j3aia)v "• ol yap 
©rjfiaioi, rrjs rpo7Trjs yevojjbivrjs, rrpoiTTTrevovres rtbv 
fiapfidpojv TTpodvpbOJs Trapefiorjdovv <j>evyovoiv av- 
roiSy SrjXovori ra>v iv QepfjLOTTvXats UTLypbdrcov 
ydpiv aTroSiSovres. 

'AAAa Y^opivdiovs ye 5 Kal rd£iv tjv 6 e/xa^ovro tois 
fiapfidpois, Kal reXos 7 tjXikov VTrfjptjev avrois arro 
rod HXaraiaoiv dycovos etjeori HijjlojviSov rrvdeodai 
ypd(f)ovros iv rovrois m 

fieoooi 8 8* ol r "Etfrvpav 9 TroXvTriSaKa vaierd- 
ovres, 
TravTOLTjs dperrjs '18 pies iv TroXifxcp, 

1 XiTTOTa^iav Bernardakis : Xenrora^lav. 

2 ti E : toi B. 

3 Reiske would add Xiyaiv* Wyttenbach yap. 

4 7T€pL7T€0€lV TlimebllS : 7Tapa7T€G€LV. 

5 ye Reiske : re. 
6 fy] fl or Ka & V v Wyttenbach, fjv exovres Reiske. 
118 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872 

With these words he has contrived to accuse practi- 
cally everyone of disobedience, desertion of their 
posts, and treachery. And in the end he says it 
was only the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans who grap- 
pled and fought with the barbarians, and the Athe- 
nians with the Thebans ; all the other cities alike 
he deprives of their share in the victory. " None of 
them took any part in the battle, but all sat by their 
arms, deserting and betraying their comrades who 
were fighting for them near by, until at last the 
Phliasians and Megarians, hearing that Pausanias 
was winning the day, advanced and fell in with the 
Theban cavalry and were ignominiously cut to pieces ; 
and the Corinthians were not in the battle at all, but 
after the victory they hastened forward through the 
foothills and avoided the Theban troopers.' ' a It ap- 
pears that the Thebans, once the rout started, formed 
a cavalry screen for the barbarians and did their best 
to cover the retreat — in gratitude, no doubt, for the 
brands that they received at Thermopylae. 6 

Now so far as the Corinthians are concerned, the 
post they occupied in fighting the barbarians and the 
honour that resulted for them from the battle of Pla- 
taea may be seen from the following lines of Simoni- 
des : 

And in the centre men from Ephyra's springs, 
Brave warriors skilled in every branch of war, 

a ix. 69. 
b Cf. above, 866 r— 867 b. 

7 reXos] kAeos Wyttenbach. 

8 /xeo-crot Stephanus, Turnebus : [liaaoiGi (i.e. iv tovtois 
fieaooLOi). 

9 ot r "E(f>vpav Reiske (following Xylander), Schneidewin : 
ot ye<j>vpav E : ot y €<f>vpav B. 

119 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(872) 61 re ttoXlv TXclvkolo, Y^oplvdiov durv, V€fAOVT€S, 

E ot KCLL 1 KaXklOTOV fJbdpTVV €0€VTO 7TOVCOV 

Xpvaov TijJLrjevTOS iv aldepc kcli o(j)iv ditjeL 
clvtlqv t evpetav kXtjSovcl /cat Traripcov. 

ravra yap ov xopov 2, iv ¥i.opivQco SiSolokojv oi)S' 
aa/xa ttollov els rrjv ttoXlv, aXXtos* he rds rrpd^eLs 
€K€lvcls iv iXeyelq* ypd<f>cov laroprjKev. 

r 8e TrpoXafifidvouv rov eXeyxov rod i/jevaparos 
F rcov iprjooixivcov, " iroQev ovv noXvdvhpia kcll drJKat 
roaavrai kcll pLvijfjLCLTa veKpcbv, iv ols ivayi^ovoiv 
&XP 1 v ^ v nAaTaccts' rcov 'EAAtJvojv ovfjL7Tap6vTa>v," 
TTpdyfia 5 atax^ov, cos oljjlcll, rrjs TTpoSoatas rcov 
yevetov KarrjyoprjKev iv tovtols' '" rcov 8e dXXcov 
ogol kcll (fxiivovrai iv HXaraifjcnv iovres rdcfroi, 
tovtovs 8e, obs iyoo TTvvddvojJLai, aloxvvopLevovs* rfj 
aTrearoL 7 rrjs l*d)(r)S eKaarovs x ( * ) l JiaTa X^ >GaL K€LV ^ L 
rcov €7Ttyivo/JL€vcov etVcAc' dvOpOOTTOOV." TaVTTjV T7]V 
direcTTCo 8 rrjs p^dx^S Trpohoolav ovoav 'HpoSoros 
dvdpco7Toov pbovos dnavroov r\Kovoe, Uclvgclvlclv 8e 
873 kcll 'ApLOTelSrjv kclI Aa k eS a tpboviovs kclI 'Adr)- 
valovs eXadov ol "EXXrjves iyKaraXtTTovres rov klv- 

SvVOV KCLL OVT* AlyLVrjTCLS 'AdrjVCLLOL 8LCL(f)6pOVS 
OVTCLS €Lp£aV TTJS iTTiypCLcfrfjS , OVT€ KopLV0LOVS 7)Xey- 

1 ot kcli Ursinus : olrrep Hiller : oloi Diehl : ot. 

2 ov \op6v Herwerden : ox>x olov. 

3 aAAaj?! Bernardakis suggests airXibs. 

4 iv iXcyela Wilamowitz : iXeyeia. 

5 Ttpayiia L. P. : SveiSos Reiske : eyfcA^/za or KaTrjyoprjLia 
Bernardakis : lacuna of 5-9 letters in mss. 

6 alaxwofievovs] mss. of Herodotus have iiraioxwoLLivovs or 
aTraKJXvvofJL€vovs. 

7 amtoTol Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : airo . . . (lacuna 
of 4-5 letters). 

120 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872-873 

The countrymen of Glaucus, hailed the sun, 
Shining like precious gold in the sky above, 
To bear true witness to the way they fought. 
So will their fame and fathers' fame increase." 

And these lines are not meant to be sung by a chorus 
in Corinth nor are they from an ode in honour of the 
city ; they come from an elegiac poem which simply 
tells the story of those events. 

But Herodotus anticipated that people might ex- 
pose his lies by asking : " How, then, do you explain 
these communal graves and all these tombs and 
monuments of the dead, at which the Plataeans make 
offerings to this day with the Greeks looking on ? " 
His answer is to make a charge far more shocking 
than that of betraying their kinsmen. " As for the 
supposed graves of other men which are to be seen 
at Plataea," he says, " my information is that these 
were piled up by the men from the various cities who 
were ashamed of their absence from the battle ; and 
they are empty mounds, intended to impress future 
generations." b Now this treacherous absence from 
the battle is something that no one else ever heard of 
except Herodotus. Pausanias and Aristeides, Spar- 
tans and Athenians alike, were quite unaware that 
their fellow Greeks shirked the danger ; and the 
Athenians did not bar the Aeginetans from being 
included in the inscription, despite their enmity, nor 
challenge the claim of the Corinthians, whom they 

a Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, pp. 84-85. 
6 ix. 85. 3. 

c For the inscription on the serpent column see note on 
870 d above. 

8 tclvttjv ttjv aireaTaj Reiske : ravrrju aneoTa) Stephanus : 
ravrrjv dno . . . (lacuna of 4-7 letters). 

121 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(873) £av, ovs rrporepov viKtbvres 1 <f>evyeiv and SaAa- 
jjllvos, avTifJLaprvpovarjs avTOis rrjs 'EAAaSos". 
Kairoi KAeaSa? rjv 6 HXaratevs, vcrrepov ereoi 
Se/ca 2 tcx)v ^ArqhiKcov AlyivrjTais xapL^ofievos , a>s 

<f>r)OlV 'HpoSoTOS, 6V €7TO)VVflOV €XOJO€V CLVTCOV 7TO- 

XvdvSpiov. 

'AOrjvcuoi 8e Kal AaKeSaifiovioL ri iradovres 

evovs rore Trpos puev' aAArjAovs oAiyov eoerjoav €is 

B X^lpas iXdeuv rrepl rod rpoTralov ttjs avaordoecos , 

rovs 8' "JZXXrjvas airoheiXidoavTas Kal dnoSpavTas* 

ovk d7rrjXavvov t<jov dpiOTeiwv , aAA' iveypafiov tols 

TpLlTOGl 5 Kal TOLS KoXoGGOlS KCLl {JL€T€Oi8ooaV TtOV 

Xacftvpcov; reXos Se ra> /3a>ju,a> TOvniypaiJLfJLa tovto 
ypd(f)ovT€S £vexdpa£av 

rovSe 77O0' 6 "EXXrjves Niktjs 7 Kpdrei, €pya> "AprjoSy 8 
Hepaas i^eXdaavreg , iXevdepa 'EAAaSt kolvov 
ISpvoavro Aids ^ojjjlov 'FiXevOeptov. 

firj Kal tovto YiXedSas r\ tls aAAos", cS f Hpo8oT€, 

KoXaK€VQjv ra? TroXets erreypaifje; tl ovv iSeovTO 

tt]V yrjv opvooovTes SiaKevfjs Zx €LV TrpdyfiaTa 9 Kal 

C pqhtovpyelv ^ai/xara Kal ^VT^iara tcjv liriyiyvo- 

1 ovs rrporepov vlkcovtcs] ovs Trporepov clttov or avrovs npoTepov 
eiTTovres Turnebus : <x>s rrporepov €L7t6vt€s Wyttenbach. 

2 TfV 6 UAaTCLl€VS, VGTCpOV €T€GL Se/CO, L. P. t TjV 6 VL\(LTai€VS, OS 

€T€Oi Se/ca vcrrepov Duebner : 6 HXaratcvs erecri Se/ca varepov 
Stephanus : rjv 6 HXaratevs ercat Se/ca. 

3 os added by L. P. 

4 aTToSpavTas Herwerden : drrohpaoavras. 

5 Tpirrooi Manton : orp . 'rr . gl E : rpoTraiots B. 

6 7Tod i Stephanus : /ze0\ 7 Niktjs Stephanus : viKrjv. 

8 In Palatine Anthology, vi. 50 a pentameter is inserted : 
evToXfjicp ipvxrjs A^/xart 7T€id6fJL€voi. 

9 irpdypLara Duebner : rd Trpdyixara. 

122 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873 

charged with running away from the previous vic- 
torious battle at Salamis (though Greece testified 
differently). And yet, so Herodotus tells us, it was 
Cleadas the Plataean, ten years after the Persian 
Wars, who, as a favour to the Aeginetans, piled up 
the communal burial mound which goes by their 
name. a 

How does it happen, then, that the Athenians and 
Spartans almost came to blows immediately over the 
matter of setting up a trophy, 5 but instead of pre- 
venting the cowardly runaway Greeks from sharing in 
the honours they inscribed their names on the tripods 
and statues and gave them their share of the spoils ? 
And, finally, these were the verses which they wrote 
and inscribed on the altar c : 

When Greeks by Victory's power and work of Ares' hand 
Drove forth the Medes, this common altar here they raised 
Of Zeus, the god of Freedom, for Free Greece. d 

Is it possible, Herodotus, that this inscription too was 
put up by Cleadas or someone else in flattery of the 
cities ? What need, then, had they to undertake the 
useless labour of digging up the earth and piling up 
deceitful mounds and monuments for the sake of 

a ix. 85. 3. 

b Cf Life of Aristeides, chap, xx, where Aristeides plays 
the part of peacemaker. The quarrel is not mentioned by 
Herodotus, and its historicity is very doubtful (cf. Hauvette, 
Herodote, p. 482). 

c The altar of Zeus Eleutherios, centre of the Festival of 
Freedom which was celebrated at Plataea every four years. 

d Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 103, cf Life of Aris- 
teides, chap. xix. Palatine Anth. vi. 50 gives a slightly dif- 
ferent version and normalizes the form by inserting a 
pentameter after verse 1 : 

" In their own hearts' high courage trust reposing." 

123 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(873) pievouv eveK dvOpcorrcov KaraoKevdJ^ovreSy ev rols 
em^aveardroig koI fieyiarois avadrjixaoi rrjv 86£av 
avrcov Kadiepovpbevqv opcovres; 

Kat jJLrjv YlavoavLas , chs Aeyovaw, yj§r) rvpavviKa 
(frpovoov erreypaifsev ev AeAcfrols* 

'EAArjVWV OLpX^y^y €7T€t OTpCLTOV (Ji)Aeoe M.Tj8a)V , 

HavcravLCts OotjSw 1 pvrjpf dvedr]Ke rdSe, 

Koivovpuevos 2 ajjLcoayeTTOJS* rocs "EAA^ai rrjv 86£av 
(Lv eavrov avrjyopevcrev rjyepbova- rcbv 8' 'EAArjvcov 
ovk avaaxofievajv aAA' eyKaAovvrcov, Trepufjavres 
els AeA(f)ovs AcLKeSaLfiovLOL tovto puev e^eKoAai/jav 
(drro rod rpiTToSos to eXeyelov, Traotov §' dvreTre- 
D ypaifjavY rd ovofiara 5 tGxv rroAecov, axjirep rjv 

SlKCLLOV. 6 KatTOL 77X09 €lKOS €OTlV Tj TOVS "EAA'^VaS' 

dyavcLKTelv rfjs eTTiypafifjs pur] pieraaxovrag y el 
avvrjSeaav 7 eavrols rrjv drreord^ rfjs p^dx^s, rj 
AcLKeSaipiovlovs rov rjyepiova /cat Grparrjyov e/c- 
Xapd^avras 9 eTTiypdifjcu, rovs eyKaraAiTrovras koX 
irepuSovras rov KLvhvvov ; <hs Setvorarov eariv, el 
TiOx/ydvrjs p,ev kcli 'AeipLvrjaros 10 koli Tfdvres ol Sca- 
7Tpe7Tti)S dycjoviadpievoL rrjv P'dx'rjv e.Keivr\v ov$e 
E YLv0via)v e7Ttypa(/)opLeva>v rocs rporraioLS ovhe M.r]- 
Alojv rjxdeadrjGaVy 11 'H/doSotos 1 8e rpial p,6vais 

1 Ootj8a> B : <f>6f}cx) E. 

2 Kotvovfjicvos E : lacuna of 9 letters in B. 

3 dfjLcooyeTTcos Reiske : dXXws re ttcds. 

4 oltto rod rpiTTohos ro iXeyetov, iracrcov 8e dvr€7reypai/fav added 
by L. P., following Powell and Manton d-no rov rpiirohos ro 
eXeyelov, rovro be eTreypaipav : no lacuna marked in mss. 

5 rd ovofiara E : to: Se ovofiara B. 

6 evexdpa^av added in B. 

7 ovvrjheoav B : ovvrjSetoav E. 

124 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873 

future generations, if they saw their own good name 
consecrated on the most conspicuous and greatest 
monuments of all ? 

Furthermore, Pausanias, who already had thoughts 
of tyranny in his mind, so they say, put up this in- 
scription at Delphi : 

Commander of Greeks, who slew the Persian host, 
Pausanias to Phoebus raised this monument, 

thus sharing, after a fashion, his glory with the Greeks 
by declaring himself their commander. And when 
the Greeks refused to accept this wording and raised 
complaints, the Spartans sent to Delphi and erased 
this dedication, inscribing instead the names of all the 
cities, as was proper. b But can we believe that the 
Greeks would resent not being included in the in- 
scription if their absence from the battle was on their 
conscience, or that the Spartans would strike out the 
name of their ruler and commander and substitute the 
names of men who shirked and ignored the contest ? 
It is very strange that Sophanes and Aeimnestus c and 
all the men who fought with distinction in that battle 
never objected when the Cythnians and Melians had 
their names engraved on the trophies/ while Hero- 

a Cf Thucydides, i. 132. Palatine Anth. vi. 197 gives the 
dedication in the first person and in the original Doric dialect. 

& Thucydides, i. 132. 3. 

c Herodotus, ix. 64, 73-75. Cf Life of Aristeides, chap, 
xix, where the form Arimnestus is preferred. 

d Cythnians and Melians are mentioned on the serpent 
column (see note on 870 d above). 

8 dircarw (cf 872 f) : diro . . . E : aTroXeu/ttv B. 

9 iKxapd£avTas E : iyyapa^avr as B. 

10 2,co<f>dvr)s ix€v koll ' AeifjLvrjGTos Wesseling (cf Herodotus, 
x. 64 and 73) : Sc^ap^s" /xei> /cat AeiTTVLciTos. 

11 rjxO* (J Q r 1 (JCLV E : 'qSeoOrjaav B. 

125 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(873) TToXeatv dvaOels rov dytova rag dXXas irdcras €#c- 
Xaparrei rtbv rporraiajv Kal tcov Uptbv. 

43. Teooapojv S' dyojvojv rore Trpos tovs /Ja/>- 
ftdpovs yevojjievajv, e/c pcev ^ Aprepaoiov tovs "EAA77- 
vas dirohpavai cfrrjoiv, iv Se QepfioTrvXais, rov 
arparrjyov Kal fiaoiXetos rrpoKivSwevovros / oIkov- 
petv koll dfJLeXeiv 'OXvpLma Kal "Kdpveta 2 7ravr\yvpi- 
£ovras* rd 8' iv HaXapuvL 8ir)yovfJL€vos tooovtovs 
Trepl 'ApTefJuaias 3 Xoyovs yeypa<f)ev 3 6001s SXrjv rrjv 
F vav\iayiav ovk dirrjyyeXKe' riXos Se', KadrjpLevovs iv 
HXaraiais dyvorjoat /xe^pt reXovs rov dytova tovs 
"JLXXrjvas, worrep jSaTpa^o/xa^tas" 4 yivopbiv^s, rjv 5 

iyprjs o Aprefjaotas ev eireoi ttouQojv kcli 
<f)Xvapcbv eypai/je, cna)7rfj SiaytovLoaoOai cruv#e/xe- 
vcoVy iva XddcooL tovs dXXovs' avrovs Se Aa/ceScu- 
fjioviovs dvSpeta 8 jiev ovSev Kpetrrovas yevioOat rcov 
j3apf3dpa)v, dvotrXo is* Se Kal yvfivols /xa^o/xeVous" 
Kparfjoou. Ee'p^ou fiev yap avrov rrapovros, vtto 
fxaortyojv /jloXls oTnoOev ajdovfievoi irpooefyipovro 
874 rots "FiXXrjotv, iv Se HXaraiOLS, ojs eoiKev, iripas 

1 7TpOKW$VV€VOVTOS B ! 7TpOGKlv8vV€VOVTOS E. 

2 Kapveta B : a/capvia E. 

3 'Apre/xtCTta? Basel edition : 'ApTepLLciov B : 'Apre/Ltacriou E. 

4 Parpaxofiaxtas] jSarpa^o/iuo/ia^tas Stephanus and subse- 
quent editions. 

5 rjv added by Wyttenbach. Immisch would delete Ilt- 
ypyjs . . . eypatfie as gloss. 

6 'ApT€/ucn'as] Perhaps noXlrrjs should be added (sugges- 
ted by Wyttenbach). 

7 iv €tt€ol Basel edition : evincae B : ivencuae E. 

8 dvSpela Bernardakis : dvhpia. 

9 olvottXois] But cf. dorrXoLS in 874 A. 
126 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873-874 

dotus credits only three cities with taking part and 
strikes out the names of all the others from the 
trophies and the temples. 

43.' Thus, in the four battles that were fought with 
the barbarians at that time, he says that at Arte- 
misium the Greeks ran away a and that at Thermo- 
pylae, while their king and commander faced death 
in the front line, they paid no attention but stayed at 
home celebrating the Olympic and Carneian festi- 
vals b ; in his treatment of Salamis he has devoted 
more space to stories about Artemisia than to his 
entire account of the battle c ; and finally at Plataea 
he says that the Greeks sat idle knowing nothing of 
the battle till the end, as though it was like the battle 
of frogs and mice which Artemisia's fellow citizen, 
Pigres, described in his silly mock epic, d and they had 
made an agreement to fight in silence so that the 
others would not know about it. , As for the Spartans 
themselves, he says they were in no way superior to 
the barbarians in courage, but wpn because the enemy 
had no shields or body armour. It seems that when 
Xerxes himself was present the barbarians were 
pushed forward from behind with blows of the whip 
and could scarcely be made to face the Greeks/ but 
at Plataea they acquired a different spirit, " and in 

a See above, 867 b— 868 a. 

b Not a fair account of vii. 206 (cf. viii. 72). Plutarch 
would hardly claim that a large Greek force fought at 
Thermopylae alongside the Spartans. 

c For these stories see viii. 68-69, 87-88, 93, 101-103. 

d For this poem see L.C.L. Hesiod, The Homeric Hymns, 
and Homer ica, with comment in Introduction, p. xli. Alex- 
ander the Great is said to have called Antipater's battle with 
the Spartans a " battle of mice " — i.e. a trifling incident in 
comparison with his conquests in Asia {Life of Agesilaus, 
chap. xv). e i.e. at Thermopylae (vii. 223. 2). 

127 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(874) i/jv^as fJLeraAaftovTes 1 " Xrjpbari fxev /cat pcopbrj ovk 
rjaaoves rjaav, rj Se io6rjs, eprjfios iovaa 2 ottXcov, 
TrXelorov iSrjXrjaaTO acfreas* 7Tpos yap ottXLtcls 
€ovt€s yvfjLvrJTOLL 3 dycova liroiiovTo!' 

Tt ovv irepLeoTW evho^ov r) /xe'ya rots "EAA^CTtv 
oV €K€iva>v rcov dywvcov, et Aa/ceSat/zoVtot puev 
doirXois i/JidxovTO, tovs 8' aXXovs rj p*dyy) rrapovras 
eXade, /cevd Se TroXvdvSpia Tipuopbeva rols iKaorov* 
ifsevoTtov* Se ypajxpLdrcov /xecjTot rpiTTohzs ecrracrt 
/cat j8a>jLtot 7rapa rot? deocs, fiovos Se rdXrjdes 
*}rlp68oTos eyvoj, tovs 8' aAAous* diravras dvdpoj- 
B novs, ocroi Xoyov '"EXXrjvcov eypvoiv, i^7]7TdrrjKev rj 
(frtf/jLT] rcov rore KaropdajjJidrwv, ojs vnepcfrvcov ye- 
vofievcov; 

t orjra; ypacpLKos avrjp, /cat rjovs o Aoyos, /cat 
Xdpts €7T€gtl /cat Seivorrjs /cat tbpa rots SirjyrjiJLaaL, 

fjivOov 8' ws 6V dotSos", eiriaraiLevtos 

[lev ov, Xiyvpcos Se /cat yXa(f>vpa>s rjyopevKev. d/xeAet 
ravra /cat KrjXei /cat rrpoadyeraL navras, dAA' cSa- 
7rep eV poSots* Set KavdapcSa (fyvXarrecrOaL r^v jSAacr- 
(frrjiJLLav avrov /cat /ca/coAoytav, 7 Aet'ots" /cat dTraAots 1 
G cr^/zacTtv j577oSeSu/cutav, tVa /x^ XdOajfiev drorrovs 
/cat ifsevSels irepl rwv dptarojv /cat pLeytarajv rrjs 
'EAAdSo? 77oAea)v /cat dVSpaw So£as Aaj8oVre9. 

1 fjL€Ta\afiovT€S B : fxerapaXovres E. 

2 eoftra Bernardakis : o&ra. 

3 yu/^rcu] yvjjLVTJres Bernardakis (as in Herodotus). 

4 T(,fjL(i)fj,€va rots e/caorou] TificofAcva rols €Kaoraxov Reiske : 
TifxaJjAev €kolotov izTOVs Emperius : rt/xai/iev erous e/caoroi; 
Bernardakis. 5 j/rcucrTcOv] ipevBcov Basel edition. 

6 dv))p Bernardakis : avrjp. 

7 /ca/coAoytav E : fjuKpoXoytav B : mKpoXoytav Salmasius. 

128 



ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 874 

courage and strength were equal," " but the lack of 
protective armour in their equipment did them great 
harm ; they were light-armed troops fighting with 
hoplites." a 

Well, then, is there anything glorious or great left 
to~~the Greeks from these battles, if the Spartans 
fought with an unarmed enemy, and if the others 
were unaware that a battle was going on near by and 
the descendants of each man who was there pay 
honour to empty graves, and the tripods and altars 
that stand in the temples of the gods are filled with 
lying names, and only Herodotus knows the truth, 
while everybody else, everyone who has ever heard 
of the Greeks, has been deceived by the tradition 
which represents these events as magnificent achieve- 
ments ? 

We must admit that Herodotus is an artist, that his 
history makes good reading, that there is charm and 
skill and grace in his narrative, and that he has told 
his story "asa bard tells a tale," b I mean not " with 
knowledge and wisdom," but " with musical clear- 
flowing words." c To be sure, these writings charm 
and attract everyone, but we must be on our guard 
against his slanders and his ugly lies which, like the 
rose-beetle, lurk beneath a smooth and soft exterior ; 
we must not be tricked into accepting unworthy and 
false notions about the greatest and best cities and 
men of Greece. 

• ix. 62. 3, 63. 2. 

6 Homer, Odyssey, xi. 368. Alcinoiis is telling Odysseus 
that he has both grace of speech and regard for truth — unlike 
most travellers. 

c Thus Plutarch grants to Herodotus the virtues of a lying 
poet, but not those of an historian. 

VOL. XI F 129 



CAUSES OF 
NATURAL PHENOMENA 

(QUAESTIONES NATURALES) 



INTRODUCTION 

Title 

This work, no. 50 in the Planudean order, is often 
referred to by the Latin title Quaestiones Naturales, 
The manuscripts give it the name A treat Qvctikcli, 
agreeing in this with the ancient catalogue (? 4th 
cent, a.d.) of works by, or ascribed to, Plutarch known 
as the Lamprias catalogue, in which it is no. 218. 
That catalogue lists also Atrtat 'Pw/xatKat, Atrtat 
'EAX^cdv, Atrtat /3ap/3aptKai t Atrtat aAAaywv, Atrtat 
yvvaiKujv, Atrtat rwv 7T€pt(f)€pofi^v(DV 2ran/<cov ? Atrtat twi/ 
'Apdrov Atoo-r)fjL€L(Dv. Of these only the first two sur- 
vive, in manuscripts that provide them with no proper 
title. Since Bernardakis's edition it has been custo- 
mary to name the three extant works Atrta e Pco/xat/ca, 
Atrta e EAA^vt/ca, Atrta <J?v<riKa, invoking analogy, in- 
cluding that with Callimachus's famous poem, and the 
fact that Plutarch himself, referring to the first, uses 
the words kv ro?s Atrtots (Romulus, chap. 1 5). Quaestiones 
Naturales, however, are never cited by him ; there is, 
therefore, nothing to show what he called it, and it 
seems better to retain a name known to have been 
used by his Greek-speaking readers than to invent 
one by conjecture. Nor is there anything intrinsically 
objectionable in the name Atrtat ^wt/cat ; although 
most of the questions are introduced by the phrase 

133 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

8lol tl;, no. xx begins 8ia riv alrtav; and nos. xxix 
and xl Ti's rj aire a ; 



Nature and Sources 

The form of the work (identical with that of 
Quaestiones Romanae and the latter part of Quaestiones 
Graecae), by which ar series of questions is answered, 
not dogmatically, but by suggestions (often alter- 
native suggestions) put interrogatively, is that of 
the Problems that go under Aristotle's name and in- 
clude much matter from the lost authentic book of 
that title. Many of the questions propounded had 
been discussed by Aristotle or Theophrastus ; the 
terminology used in the proffered solutions largely 
coincides with that employed, but not necessarily 
invented, by the Peripatetics ; and the facts and 
theories adduced can often be paralleled in Peripa- 
tetic literature. But although Plutarch was thus 
writing in the Peripatetic tradition, it would be hasty 
to suppose that he did no more than pillage some 
Peripatetic collection of problems. Such solutions, 
indeed, as are explicitly ascribed by him to Aristotle 
or Theophrastus are either openly rejected or followed 
by a more attractive alternative (nos. ii, xii, xiii, xix). 

Before speculating on the way in which the book 
was put together, it will be profitable to consider what 
sort of a book it is. Unlike Seneca's Naturales Quaes- 
tiones, it is not a literary work. Admittedly it ex- 
hibits certain features of style that had become second 
nature to Plutarch — the use of coupled synonyms, a 
tendency to seek or avoid certain rhythms at sentence- 
endings, the avoidance of hiatus. But just as striking, 
in comparison with his normal literary style, are the 
134 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

shortness and simplicity of the sentences and the 
monotony of the vocabulary : the expression of 
thought is sometimes careless and not so much con- 
cise as obscure. 

These characteristics are most readily explained 
by supposing Quaestiones Naturales to be a collection 
of notes, intended perhaps to provide material that 
could be incorporated into literary works, perhaps 
even for circulation among interested friends, but not 
for a general public. Similar conclusions have been 
reached by H. J. Rose about the Roman Questions 
(pp. 46 ff. of his edition, Oxford, 1928) and by W. R. 
Halliday about the Greek Questions (p. 13 of his edition, 
Oxford, 1924). Notes of this sort can arise from 
summarizing and abstracting from a single book, but 
they may be drawn from diverse sources, and include 
suggestions and criticisms made by the note-taker 
himself. Any contention that Plutarch took all his 
questions from a single source (cf. H. Diels, Hermes, 
xl (1905), pp. 312 ff.), does not admit of profitable 
discussion. If the questions referred to Aristotle, 
Theophrastus, and the unknown Laetus implied first- 
hand consultation of those authors, the contention 
would be untenable ; but there is no better reason for 
asserting than for denying that Plutarch went directly 
to them. There is, however, firmer ground for 
supposing that the answers include contributions of 
Plutarch's own. Rose (pp. cit. p. 49), following F. Leo, 
De Plutarchi Quaestionum Romanarum auctoribus (1864), 
argues that those answers in Roman Questions that 
begin with the phrase o-Koiret 8e fXTj are Plutarch's 
original suggestions. The same or almost the same 
formula occurs in our work in Questions ii, xii, and 
xix. Further evidence that the answer thus intro- 

135 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

duced in Question xii is Plutarch's own contribution 
may be found in its use of paired words or phrases 
that are almost synonymous : ZguOtL kcu Scao-reXXet, 
dvarp€)(ov(Tr}$ cts eavrrjv koll cvcrT€k\ofj.€vrjs, Siavyeiav KOU 
Kara<f>dveiav. This trick of composition, characteristic 
of Plutarch's style, is not distributed evenly over the 
whole book, but is confined to a limited number of 
answers, and it seems possible that it may provide a 
clue by which some at least of his contributions may 
be identified. The passages are to be found in nos. 
ii, vi, x, xiii, xvi, xix, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, and xxvi. The 
hypothesis that passages marked by these semi- 
synonymous pairs, many of which are drawn from a 
richer vocabulary than that of the bulk of the work, 
may be original, implies no claim of absolute priority 
for Plutarch, but only that he was not here abbreviat- 
ing or copying a text before him, but drawing on the 
resources of his well-stocked mind and memory. 

Question xix deserves separate treatment, since 
the elaborate answer needs some clarification, which 
will suggest that its construction is due to Plutarch. 
The problem is why the octopus changes its colour. 
Theophrastus, following Aristotle, De Part. Animal. 
679 a 13, had put this down to cowardice (frags. 173, 
188 Wimmer, from Hepl rCyv /zera/^aAAovTcoi' rds Xpom). 
Plutarch thinks this insufficient, since the colour is 
assimilated to the background : to illustrate the fact 
he quotes from Pindar and Theognis. These quota- 
tions must have been taken, as is shown by A. Peretti, 
Teognide (1953), pp. 42 ff., from a source where they 
were already combined. Plutarch uses both in De 
Sollertia Animalium, 978 e, where he explains the 
octopus's change of colour as deliberate, to avoid 
enemies and to deceive its prey. That view is im- 

136 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

plicit in the next sentence, which gives an explana- 
tion of the poets* meaning, an explanation irrelevant 
to the physical problem (here note the pairs iravovpyiq, 
koX 8€Lv6rr]Ti, XaOetv kolI 8ia<f>vyeiv). Next with the 
words o-Kowei Srj he promises an alternative to Theo- 
phrastus's view, an alternative which proves to be 
quite inconsistent with the view that the change is 
deliberate. It depends on a theory of universal 
emanations, which is supported by a quotation from 
Empedocles, by the facts of decay and scent, and by 
a reference to speculations on the cause of magnetism. 
Brief though it is, this reference contains barely in- 
telligible and certainly irrelevant detail ; Plutarch 
would seem to be summarizing some account of the 
emanation-theory that had no original connexion 
with the problem of the octopus. To this problem he 
at last returns in a full style, using several pairs of 
synonyms, ^prj Kal Opavcrpbara, av6pr)vui)§r)S kol tto\v- 
7ro/)05, €(r<j)iy£€ koll crvvrjyayev, d6pot^opL€vots kou irpocr- 
ixkvovvi. His solution given, he concludes by im- 
plying that the same explanation will apply to the 
chamaeleon, doubtless remembering Theophrastus's 
belief that it, like the octopus, changed colour 
through cowardice (frag. 189 Wimmer). The theory 
of emanations to account for the octopus's change of 
colour is adopted again in De Amicorum Multitudine, 
96 f, where the passage of Theognis is quoted, but 
from memory and incorrectly a : hence one may estab- 
lish a probable sequence of composition, namely, De 
Sollertia Animalium, Quaestiones Naturales, xix, De 
Amicorum Multitudine. 

On the other hand it is clear that some of the solu- 

° But see F. R. Adrados, Emerita, xxvi (1958), pp. 1 if. for 
another view. 

137 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

tions offered are derived from earlier writers. This is 
obvious where the name of an authority is given. 
But the first solution to Question xxi, for which no 
authority is quoted, is to be found in the Aristotelian 
Problemata, and if fortune had preserved all the 
books to which Plutarch had access, it would probably 
be possible to identify the origins of many other 
solutions. As things are, we can say no more than 
that Quaestiones Naturales seem to be a compound, in 
unknown proportions, of traditional and newly- 
adduced solutions. 

Another problem that hardly admits of an answer 
is the relation of the Quaestiones Naturales to the 
Symposiac Questions, with which they have many co- 
incidences. A priori it might be guessed that the 
former provided raw material that was worked up 
into a literary form in the latter. But Symposiacs, 
700 f implies that no one had yet offered an answer 
to Question xx, which may therefore have been com- 
posed subsequently. The facts in general do not seem 
to exclude the possibility that material found for the 
Symposiacs was used in composing the Quaestiones 
Naturales and vice versa. At least it will probably 
be right to regard them as contemporaneous. 

Scientific Vocabulary 

A few recurrent words need explanation. Plutarch 
frequently employs the conception of concoction (jreif/is, 
7T€TT€iv), which Aristotle had adopted from medical 
authors. a He uses it to mean that process by which 

° A convenient account of the Aristotelian uses of this and 
other terms employed by Plutarch will be found in A. L. 
Peck's edition in L.C.L. of Aristotle, Be Generatione Ani- 
malium, in trod. pp. xxxviii ff. 

138 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

the natural heat of a plant or animal converts its 
nourishment into an assimilable substance. But 
external heat may initiate the same process (913 a), 
and it may also be recognized in the ripening of fruit 
and perhaps in the change by which grape-juice 
becomes wine (918 e). The process of concoction 
may not convert the whole of the original substance 
to an assimilable product, but leave a residue (7re/otr- 
Twp). This may in Aristotle's system undergo a 
further concoction that fits it for another purpose. 
Residues are of very varied nature, but the only kind 
mentioned by Plutarch here is the " generative 
residue " (917 b, 919 c), which is not assimilated to 
the organism but goes to produce its offspring. 

The word Kpacris occurs several times. At 919 d it 
may have its literal meaning of mixture. At 913 a, 
used of the air, it is best translated " temperature " ; 
but whereas we do not normally remember that by 
etymology " temperature " means " blending," and 
regard a temperature as a point on a scale, the word 
Kpacrts implies a blending in certain proportions of 
absolute heat with absolute cold. Similarly when at 
915 e it is used of the soil, and at 918 d f . of animal 
bodies, the word connotes the proportions in which 
the primary qualities, hot, cold, wet, and dry, are 
blended in the object. It may then perhaps be called 
the " constitution " of the soil or of the body. This 
constitution is variable in animals, not being the same 
in sickness as in health. The current ideas of Kpacrts 
are exhaustively explained and adapted by Galen in 
his three books De Temper amentis (Kuhn i, pp. 509 ff.)« 

The Greek language would enable one to distin- 
guish between, e.g., to jXvkv, " a substance charac- 
terized by sweetness," and yXvKvrrjs, " the quality 

139 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

of sweetness." For the most part Plutarch observes 
this distinction, but occasionally the adjectival phrase 
seems to indicate a quality or the noun a substance. 
This is because he tends to think of a quality as 
specifically linked to a substance. Thus De Primo 
Frigido starts from the basis that fire is the substance 
of " the hot," and that nothing has the quality of 
being hot without containing fire ; he then proceeds 
to inquire what is the substance of " the cold." The 
distinction between quality and substance thus be- 
comes unimportant. This way of thought underlies 
the treatment of the x v l JL0 ^ (Question v), " flavour- 
ings " rather than " flavours," since they are liquids 
possessed of specific tastes. Among these flavourings 
are the oily, the sweet, and the bitter ; when there- 
fore we read that the sea has oiliness (911 e), and that 
its bitterness is not devoid of sweetness (914 c), we 
must understand it to contain oily liquid, bitter 
liquid, and sweet liquid : the last, we are told, is 
lighter, rises to the surface, and is evaporated by the 
heat of the sun. Similarly it would appear that the 
" sweetness " of rain-water is a separable constituent, 
though doubtless far the largest, which can be caused 
to leave it and enter into a plant (912 c). 

The motive force that acts thus on the rain-water 
is called 7rve{yxa, breath or wind. Speaking physically, 
this is nothing but air in motion. We are familiar 
with the fact that moving air produces effects that 
are not produced by still air. The Greeks were ready 
to ascribe to it a power to produce change of many 
sorts, at the same time allowing it to retain its motion 
indefinitely. Thus rain water contains not just air, 
as we might say, but air in motion ; and a living being 
contains air in motion that performs some of the 

140 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

functions that our physiology gives to the nervous 
system and to hormones (916 b, note : in such a 
passage the translator can only have recourse to 
transliterating the word as pneuma). 

Avvol/jlls is a word for which no single translation 
will serve. Sometimes it retains a material connota- 
tion, M substance of a distinctive character/' e.g. in 
xxxii, where it appears in Latin dress as facultas. 
But sometimes the sense is more abstract, the idea 
of " distinctive character " being to the fore, as at 
914 d. At the same time both substance and char- 
acter are thought of as being active and capable of 
causing change, as at 918 b and 919 a. 

On several occasions Plutarch uses the word iropoc, 
" passages." Besides the visible passages in an ani- 
mal body it was supposed that there were others, too 
small to be seen, by which food might be assimi- 
lated ; in a plant similar passages provide the means 
of taking up water (919 d). When they occur in 
the skin of an octopus or other animal (916 e), it 6 pot 
are more naturally translated as " pores " than as 
" passages " : but the latter word fits other con- 
texts, including 915 a, where they are assumed to 
exist in the sea, allowing sight to penetrate it. 

It is an error to suppose that because a word needs 
explanation it is a technical " term. The words 
just discussed are all common Greek words, and no 
ancient reader would have felt that they were used 
in an unusual or special way. To make a single 
English word do duty for each of them is only possible 
by the introduction of strange locutions or by assign- 
ing an arbitrary meaning to familiar words : where 
some sacrifice must be made, consistency is more 
expendable than naturalness. 

141 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 



The Additional Questions 

In 1542 Gybertus Longolius (Gilbert or Gisbert 
Longeuil, born about 1507 at Utrecht, died 1543, 
scholar, teacher, and doctor) published his Latin 
translation of several works by Plutarch, including 
Quaestiones Naturales. The first 31 questions were, 
according to his own marginal note, translated from 
the Aldine edition : the other eight " ex Mediolanensi 
sunt exemplari." By this he must mean a manuscript 
at Milan, which neither Xylander nor any later scholar 
has been able to trace. But the eight additional 
questions have the stamp of authenticity, and there 
is no reason for doubting Longolius, who is known 
to have spent some time in Italy, studying medicine. 
Whether the manuscript contained only these eight 
questions or also some or all of the first 31 must be 
uncertain. It is clear, however, that Longolius did 
not use it to supply the deficiencies of the Aldine. 

It cannot be expected that his translation gives an 
accurate rendering of the new questions, any more 
than it does of the old. As an example of his methods, 
at 912 a he turns tcrri by " nemo negare potest," but 
dvav^rj kclI d/3Xaorrrj jmevet by " squallere " (sic). He 
will expand to make the meaning clear, e.g. at 912 b 
8l 6 7rofJL(fy6\vyas 7roi€i rfj ava/xt^et rov dtpos becomes 
" quod uero aere plena sit, indicant bullae quae ex 
illius commixtione, cum decidit, creantur " ; and of 
the fragmentary words that introduce Question xxx, 
viz. Sea tl rwv a//,7reA(ov Tots aKapirovs . . . /xcocri . . . 
vevro . . . acrrpayav . . . /xev, his imagination con- 
structed " quare uites, cum nimia ubertate lasciuiunt, 
et minus feraces sunt et aliquando exarescunt ? cuius 
rei causam quidam in syderationis morbum referunt. ,, 
142 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 



Remains of two further questions have recently 
been recognized by L. G. Westerink in his edition 
(1948) of Michael Psellus, De Omnifaria Doctrina 
(p. 3). Although in its later redactions this miscel- 
lany was arranged according to its subject-matter, in 
its original form it was ordered according to its (un- 
acknowledged) sources. Thus paragraphs 108-121 of 
the original version are from Proclus and Porphyry, 
122-130 from Ps.-Plutarch, Placita, 131-137 from Plu- 
tarch, Symposiac Questions. Paragraphs 92-107 are 
from Plutarch, Quaestiones Naturales, with the excep- 
tion of 101 and 106. The fact that these two para- 
graphs, like several of the Quaestiones Naturales, con- 
tain matter that can be paralleled in the Symposiacs 
increases the likelihood that they are based on sec- 
tions of the Quaestiones Naturales that have since been 
lost. They have therefore been appended to this 
edition as Questions xl and xli. a It was Psellus 's 

° The table below shows the relation of Plutarch and 
Psellus : 





Psellus, 


De Omnifaria Doctrina 


Plutarch, 
Quaest, Nat. 






Original 
Redaction 


Ed. Westerink 


Ed. Migne 


i 


92 


168 


132 


ii 


93 


172 


136 


iii 


97 


180 


144 


iv 


94 


173 


137 


v 


96 


179 


143 


xii 


95 


169 


133 


xiv 


100 


183 


147 


xv and xvi 


104 


186 


150 


xviii 


103 


185 


149 


xix 


98 


181 


145 


XX 


107 


189 


153 


xxii 


99 


182 


146 


xxviii 


102 


184 


148 


xxxi 


105 


187 


151 


xl 


101 


170 


134 


xli 


106 


188 


152 



143 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

habit either to adhere closely, even while abbreviat- 
ing, to the phrasing of his original, or to rewrite com- 
pletely. Since in both these questions, with the ex- 
ception of the last sentence of xl, the phraseology has 
a Plutarchean ring, we shall probably be right in 
recognizing the presence of much of Plutarch's own 
wording. But Psellus was accustomed to omit what 
he found unnecessary or unintelligible, and would 
change the order of words at sentence-ends to obtain 
an accentual rhythm. 

Text 

In constituting the text of Quaestiones Naturales 
we depend primarily on three manuscripts, viz. : 

Urbinas 9? (U), x/xi cent. 

Palatinus Heidelbergensis 283 (H), xi/xii cent. 
Ambrosianus 859 («), written in a.d. 1295 for 
Maximus Planudes. 

Ten other manuscripts are descendants of a and be- 
long to the so-called Planudean tradition. They some- 
times offer good readings, but these appear to be due 
to conjecture. Further evidence may be sought in 
the extracts incorporated by Psellus in his collection 
De Omnifaria Doctrina, the original form of which may 
be dated about a.d. 1050. 

U and H offer almost identical texts, but H has 
lost an unknown number of leaves and now stops 
with the words vocrei yap in 912 E. U itself continues 
only to the end of Question ix, which coincides with 
the last line of its last gathering (Ac'). Probably it 
once contained more questions, for it appears to have 
lost at least one gathering after Ac', as well as a' and 
the first six folios of ft'. It has been altered by two 
144 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

hands (U 2 , U 3 ). So far as Quaestiones Naturales is con- 
cerned the resulting text is, except for one or two 
trifles, identical with that of a. Wegehaupt, Berliner 
Sitzb. 1909? p. 1042, claimed that a copied the cor- 
rected U for nos. 44 to 50 of the Planudean recen- 
sion. Pohlenz, however, adduces evidence (Preface 
to vol. Ill of the Teubner edition, p. xix) to show that 
a does not incorporate all the corrections of U 3 , which 
he considers on palaeographical grounds also to be 
later than a. The view that involves the minimum of 
hypothesis is that a derives from U as corrected by 
U 2 , with some further modifications, and that U 3 used 
a or some other Planudean in making his corrections 
(cf. B. Einarson and P. De Lacy, Classical Philology, 
liii (1958), p. 223). There seems to be no reason for 
regarding the corrections of U 2 and (a)U 3 as anything 
but conjectural. This is clearly true of rr/s OaXdo-o-qs 
v8(op for fiXairrov at 91 1 d. Confident common sense 
was all that was needed for such a change. But no 
more was needed to complete a mutilated sentence 
at 911 e with fir] €fjL/3d\ketv OaXdcro-Lov v8u)p — the cor- 
rector spells -crcr-, whereas the tradition normally has 
-TT-. These observations suggest that we may also 
credit him with adding ov yap and rjtfy Kal ra kv 
\kp<TU) (f>vrd re Kal 8tv8pa rpefar ovSe yap Sit 91 1 !>• 
He may betray himself by consecutive re Kal, which 
is unusual in Plutarch, and by leaving the ovre which 
follows the insertion without any correlative. It was 
left to Doehner to repair his omission by correcting 
ov8e yap to ovre yap. a, effectively the sole authority 
for the greater part of the work, belongs then to the 
same tradition as UH, but the text has undergone 
scholarly modification, which may have had no manu- 
script basis. It seems that the last page of its ex- 

145 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

emplar was partially illegible, probably having been 
damaged after the loss of subsequent leaves contain- 
ing further questions. Planudes succeeded in de- 
ciphering more than his copyist and added to a a few 
more letters in his own hand both here and at an 
earlier place (916 d-e) where difficulty had been 
experienced. 

The manuscript us^d by Psellus seems to have 
been closely related to the three described above. 
Indeed, if he may be credited with four easy correc- 
tions, there is no evidence incompatible with his 
having used U while still complete. It should be re- 
marked that since Westerink has established the 
original text of De Omnifaria Doctrina, readings found 
only in manuscripts of later redactions can in any case 
be disregarded by editors of Plutarch. 

In my apparatus a reading given without any sig- 
lum is that of a and of UH so far as they exist. I 
have myself collated U and a : discrepancies be- 
tween my apparatus and that of the Teubner edition 
mostly concern the readings of U. For the other 
Planudean manuscripts I rely on the Teubner edition, 
checked only for Vaticanus 139? where I found few 
oversights. A collation of H was published by R. 
Egelnoff, Philologus, lx (1901), p. 439 *• his report 
agrees, apart from trifles, with that of the Teubner 
edition. I use " later ms." to mean any ms. later than 
UHa, and " late ms." to mean a ms. of the late xiv or 
xv century, when conjecture was not infrequent. 

The text of Quaestiones Naturales has received less 
attention from critics than that of most of the Moralia, 
a fact that explains the number of new suggestions 
made here, particularly in those questions for which 
a is the only authority. By "Anon. 1 (Turnebus)," 

146 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 

" Anon. 2 (Turnebus)," "Anon. 3 (Turnebus) " I in- 
dicate the three hands (small, medium, and large) 
that entered corrections in the margins of the Aldine 
edition bequeathed by Adrian Turnebus to Etienne 
Turnebe and now in the Bibliotheque Nationale in 
Paris (Res. J. 94). By "Anon. (Amyot) " I indicate 
corrections in the margin of the Basel edition used 
by Amyot, also in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Res. 
J. 103). But where such corrections are accompanied 
by forte, puto, or some such phrase they seem to be 
Amyot 's own, and I have ascribed them to him with- 
out qualification. 

In the translation (...) indicates that the words 
enclosed are either a version of a conjectural supple- 
ment in the Greek text or added in order to bring 
out what I suppose to be the meaning of a phrase 
that is brief or obscure in the original. 

It is my pleasant duty to thank Dr. A. L. Peck, of 
Christ's College, Cambridge, who made valuable 
comments on a first draft, Mr. A. S. F. Gow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge, who read the proofs and sug- 
gested many improvements, and also Mr. G. S. Kirk of 
Trinity Hall, Cambridge, Dr. C. R. Ribbands of the 
Cambridge University School of Agriculture, and 
Mr. N. N. Rossos, each of whom helped me on parti- 
cular points. I should also express my indebtedness 
to the edition of C. Hubert, on whose collection of 
parallel passages I have drawn heavily. 



Trinity College, 
Cambridge 



F. H. Sandbach 



147 



911 AITIAI OYSIKAI 



Akx tl to OaXdrrLov v8a>p ov rp€(f)€L tol 8ev8pa; 

Ylorepov hi rjv alrtav ov8e tojv l^ojojv tol xepcrcua; 

£a>ov yap eyyatov to c/)vt6v etvat 1 ol rrepl HXdrcova 

D Kal 'Ava£ay6pav Kal Arj/jLOKpLTOV olovtoli- ov yap 2 

8 LOT l TOLS evaXlOLS (j>VTols TpofafJLOV €OTL Kal TTOTL[LOV 
OJ07T€p TOLS LX0VVLV, 7]8rj Kal TOL Iv TTj ylpOO) (f)VTOL 

T€ Kal SeVSpa Tpe'^ei* oure yap 2 iv8v€TaL rat? pt£ai? 
vtto Traftovs ovt avacpepeTOL V7TO papovs ' OTL O 
ifjefipLOes €gtl Kal y€a)8es, clXXols t€ ttoXXols ano- 
8eLKWTaL Kal tco jjl&XXov aviytLV Kal vrrepeiSeLV tol 
rrXola Kal tovs KoXv/jLJUcovTas. 

*H puaXLOTa {lev j8Aa7TTerat ^rjpoTTjTL tol SeVSpa, 
£rjpavTLKov Se to OoXolttlov ; 5 b'dev rrpos re 6 tols 
arjifjeLS ol aXes jHorjdovoL, Kal tol acofiaTa toov Xov- 

1 ehai U 2 a : iarlv IPH ? iartv, <hs, cf. Castiglioni, Gno- 
mon, xxix (1957), p. 334. 

2 ov yap and 17877 . . . ovoe yap U 2 a : om. U 1 H, see introd. 
p. 145. Doehner changed ouSe to ovre. 

3 After ava<f>4p€rai Psellus adds rax^ais els to oriX^xos Kal 
rovs aKpipuovas. 

4 papovs Bernardakis : ndxovs U 1 rod irdxovs U 2 rov fidpovs 
aU 3 . 

5 OaXaTTiov Bernardakis : BXairrov U 2 H tt}s daXdoarjs v8wp 
U 2 a. * r€ F. H. S. : yc. 

148 



CAUSES OF NATURAL PHENOMENA 



Why does sea-water not provide trees with nourish- 
ment ? 

Is the reason the same as that for which it provides 
none for land-animals either, seeing that Plato, a 
Anaxagoras, and Democritus b think that a plant is 
an animal fixed in the earth ? The fact that sea-water 
is nutritious for, and can be imbibed by, marine 
plants as well as fishes, does not immediately imply 
that it is also good for the plants and trees that grow 
on dry land. For one thing it is too thick to make its 
way into their roots, and for another it is too heavy 
to rise (up their stems). There are many proofs 
that it is heavy and earthy, in particular the fact that 
it holds up and supports boats and swimmers more 
than fresh water does. d 

Or is it that trees are damaged above all by dry- 
ness, and sea-water has a drying effect ? (This effect 
explains why salt is a safeguard against putrefaction, 

° Republic, 491 d, 564 a, Timaeus, 90 a (c/. Epinomis, 
981 d), all passages that imply rather than state this opinion. 

6 Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i, p. 297 (Ps.-Aristotle, 
De Plantis, 815 b 16) : Anaxagoras and Democritus said 
that plants have mind and intelligence. 

c Psellus has, M rise quickly into the stem and twigs," but 
he may as well have invented this as found it in his text of 
Plutarch. d Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 627 b. 

149 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(911) aafJLevcov iv daXdrrrj £r)pav evOvs lgx^l kcli rpax^tav 
rrjv €7Ti(j)dv€iav, 
E 'Hto [lev eXaiov toZs <f>VTols rroXepaov klu <j>6eipei 
ra 1 7TpoGaXeL(/)6iJL€va, fJLeTex €L 8e 7roXXrjs rj OdXarra 

XlTTapOTTJTOS* OlO GVV€^d7TT€L, KCLL 7TapaLV0VJJL€V els 

tcls cf)X6yas pLrj ififiaXXew daXdoaiov vBcop. 2 

*H yeyovev clttotov kolI iriKpov to vocop, cos 
3 ApiGTOTeXrjs cfrrjoiv, dva/JLL^et KaTaKeKavfievrjs yrjs; 
kcu yap rj kovlcl yiverai yXvKeos vScltos els Te<f>pav 

€/JL7T€o6vTOS , Tj Se SiaKCLVGLS 3 €^LGT7]GL KCU <f>0€ip€L 
TO XP r J Gr ^ V Kai TTOTlfJLOV, COS €V rjfUV OL 7TVp€TOL TO 

vypov els X°^V V TpeTrovoiv. a 8' loTopovoiv ev ttj 
'Epvdpa daXdaarj fiXaoTaveiv uA^/xaTa kclI <f)VTd, 
KapTTov [lev ovSeva cf>epei rpe^erat Se Tots' 7TOTajJiOLS 

1 </}0€Lp€L ra U 2 a : <j>ddperai U 1 !!. 

2 /jltj e/xjSaAAetv daXdoaiov vbcop U 2 a : om. IPH. 

3 Sta/cauats Kronenberg : Sia * Xvais U 1 (? SidyXvais, as H). 
SidXvais U 2 a. 

a From Quaest. Conviv. 627 d we learn that this was re- 
marked by Aristotle (cf. Problemata. 932 b 25), who seems to 
have thought that salt water evaporated more quickly than 
fresh, having a natural heat. Plutarch there denies that salt 
water evaporates as such, pointing out that the salt remains 
behind as a deposit, making the skin rough. Here, however, 
the mention of roughness of the skin, unless due to an 
association of ideas caused by the writing of the other 
passage, must arise from the thought that roughness implies 
dryness. 

6 Cf. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, iv. 16. 5, De Causis 
Plant, v. 15. 6. 

c Quaest. Conviv. 627 c shows this to be taken from Aris- 
totle (cf. Problemata, 932 b 5, 933 a 19, 935 a 7). 

d Dio Cassius, 1. 34, says that at the battle of Actium 
Antony's sailors were unable, for this reason, to extinguish 
the incendiary missiles used by Octavian's fleet. 
150 



NATURAL PHENOMENA I, 91 1 

and why the bodies of those who have bathed in the 
sea at once acquire a dry, rough surface.) a 

Or is it that oil is hurtful to plants and destroys 
any that are smeared with it, 6 while the sea has a 
large fatty content ? c That is why the sea helps 
fire to take hold, and we warn people against throw- 
ing sea-water on flames. d 

Or that sea-water has, as Aristotle says, become 
undrinkable and bitter by an admixture of burnt 
earth ? e For lye is produced when fresh water is 
thrown on ashes : and good drinking water is changed 
and spoiled by burning heat, just as in our bodies fe- 
vers turn moisture into bile/ As for the bushes and 
plants that are reported to grow in the Indian Ocean, 
they bear no fruit 9 and their nourishment comes 

e Meteorologies 358 a 14 if. He there says, however, that 
it is an over-simplification to ascribe the saltiness of the sea 
to burnt earth, as certain persons had done (cf. Diels-Kranz, 
Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 a 66). His own view is that all 
processes of growth and change of substance give rise to 
residues, in living things salty, in inanimate ashy. Such 
residues from the so called " dry exhalations " from the land, 
mingling with the wet exhalations from water condensed into 
rain, give rain an earthy salty content. The sea gets its salt 
from this rain, but does not become progressively more salty 
because salt water is evaporated from it in equal measure. 
This salt evaporation then condenses as fresh water. 

' Cf. Galen, Be Simpl. Medic, iv. 3 (Kiihn xi, p. 630) for 
the comparison between sea and lye (a solution of alkaline 
salts, which can be leached out of wood ash). The train of 
thought in the second clause is not clear ; does Plutarch 
assume that burnt earth is burning earth ? 

' Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xiii. 135, 139 (cf. ii. 226), where it 
is said that they do carry berries. Travellers' tales, both of 
mangroves and of seaweed, seem to lie behind these reports. 
" Indian Ocean " : literally " Red Sea," a term which 
covered the known waters along the south of Asia, including 
the Persian Gulf. 

151 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(yilj jj-oXXrjv ipifidXXovoiv IXvv odev ov Trpoooj tt}s yfjs 
* dXXd ttXtjolov e^et rrjv yeveaiv. 



Ata, ri jjl&XXov vtto-twv vericuv rj tojv €7nppvTOJV 
vSdrojv ra SevSpa /cat to, GTrepixara tt€<J>vk€. rpe- 
<f)€odai ; 

Ylorepov, ws Aalros 1 eXeye, rfj TrXrjyfj ra o/z/Jota 
SttordWa rrjv yrjv Tropovs Trotel /cat SiaSvercu /xdA- 
Xov els rrjv pl^av; 

*H tovto [lev ovk dXrjdes, dXX eXaOe rov Aalrov 
912 6Vt /cat ra Xifjuvcua ford, TV<f>rj 2 /cat cfrXecos* /cat 
Opvov, dvav£fj /cat dfiXaarfj fievec pur) yevopievcov op,- 
fipujv Kad' a)pav to Se rov ' ApcaroreXovs dXrjOes, 
on irpoG^arov iuTL /cat veov xiScop to vofievov ecoXov 
oe /cat 7raAaioV to Xijjlvcuov ; rj /cat tovto TTtdavov 
fiaXXov rj dXrjOes iuTt; tol yap TTrjyala /cat TroTapua 
vdpLCLTa 7rp6o(/)aTa fiev €Gtl /cat veoyevrj (iroTapbols 
yap St? Tots' avTols ovk dv efJL^airjg, cos (frrjcrw 
'Hpa/cActTo?, €T€pa yap imppel uSaTa), Toe'</>et Se 
/cat TavTa tojv 6p,fipicov ^etoov. 

Ap OVV KOV<pOV €GTL TO €K lALOS VOOJp /Cat 

1 Aalros one late ms. : Xdiros (as below). 

2 rv<f>7) late mss. : 7-1^77. 

3 </>\€o>s a (probably) : ^Aeco? U 2 : ^Ae'co IPH. </>\ea)v later 

MSS. 

a For this meaning of oTrepfiara cf. Theophrastus, Hist, 
Plant, viii. 8. 2, and 913 a below. 

6 Cannot be identified with any known person of this 
name. 

152 



NATURAL PHENOMENA HI, 911-912 

from the rivers, which deposit much silt ; hence they 
do not grow far from the land but close inshore. 



II 

Why is it the nature of trees and seedlings ° to get 
more nourishment from rain-water than from irriga- 
tion ? 

Is it, as Laetus b said, that rain parts the earth by 
its impact and makes passages in it and so penetrates 
more to the roots ? 

Or is this not the true reason, Laetus having failed 
to observe that even the plants that grow in marshes 
or pools, reed-mace and wool-tufted reed and rushes, 
remain without growth or shoot unless rains occur at 
the right season ? Is it Aristotle's reason that is the 
true one, c namely that the water that comes down as 
rain is fresh and new, while that of a marsh or pool is 
old and stale ? Or is this also plausible rather than 
true ? The running waters of springs and rivers are 
fresh and new-born — you could not step into the same 
rivers twice, as Heraclitus says, d because the waters 
that flow upon you are not the same — yet they, too, 
are less nourishing than rain-water. 

Is the real reason that water from the heavens is 

■ Frag. 215 Rose. 

d Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 22 b 12, 49 a, 91. 
G. S. Kirk, Heraclitus, the Cosmic Fragments (1954), pp. 
366 ff., concludes that the original form of the saying was 
iroTafioiai to ten avTOiat e/LtjSaiVot>crt ere pa /cat Irepa vScltcl cVtppct, 
" ever different waters flow on to those who step into the 
same rivers " (which explains the awkward plural 7rorafiols 
here), and that Plutarch's formulation is affected by Plato, 
Cratylus, 402 a. But see Guthrie, Hist. Gk. Phil i, p. 488. 

153 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(912) depcoSes, Kal 7tv€vjjlcltl pbepayfjievov oS^yetrat 1 kcll 

B dva7T€fJL7T€Tat ra^ecos els to <f)vrov vtto XeTTTorrjros , 

St* o kcli 7TOfJL(f)6\vy as rroiel ttj dvafii^eL rod depos; 

*H rp€(f>€L /xev fJidXiara to juaAiara 2 Kparovfievov 

VTTO TOV Tp€(/)OfJL€VOV (rOVTO jdp €OTL TTexjjLS* ' CLTTeifjia 

Se Tovvavriov, orav laxvporepa rod ttclQzZv fj), 4, Kal 
/zera/JaAAet 5 rd Xerrra kcll drrXa kcll a^u/xa (jl&XXov, 
olov ioTL to SfiPpiov vhcop ; yevvtojJLevov yap iv 
depL Kal TTvevjiaTL Kadapov Kal dpayes KareioL' rd 
Se TTTjyala Kal rfj yfj* kol 7 rots tottols opbOLovfieva, 
Si' cov etjeLOL, 7roXXcov ava77t/x7rAarat ttolottitcov, St' 
as rjrrov €Otlv €vrp€7Tra s Kal fipdoLov aura 9 7rape^€t 
rfj 7T€ijj€L pLerafiaXXeiv 10 els to rpecfropLevov. rcov cY 

C OfifipLLOV TO €VTp€7TTOV at OTjljj€lS KaTTjyOpOVCTLV 

evorjTTTOTepa yap iorL rcov TTorapLicov Kal <f>pearL- 
attov, rj Se Treifjis eoLKev elvai orji/jLS, cos 'E/u/7reSo- 

1 oS^yetrat Psellus : oSi^yet re. 

2 to /xaAiora added by Hubert. 
3 tt^is U 2 a : nXrjgis U X H. 

* $ aU 3 : om. IPH. 

5 /zcrajSaAAet aU 3 : /xcTajSaAAov L^H. 

6 T ?7 y$ a U 3 : t?J yov?j IPH Psellus. 

1 /cat aU 3 Psellus': om. IPH. 

8 €VTp€7rra U 2 a : evdpenTa U 1 . 

9 aura] all recorded mss. have avrd. 

10 ii€TapdX\€iv later mss. : fxerapaXXov. 

° For the lightness of rain-water c/. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 
31 ff., [Aristotle], Problemata Inedita, ii. 22 Bussemaker 
(Didot edition, vol. iv) ; Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, Places, 8. 
" Tenuity " implies both thinness of consistency (contrast 
the thickness of sea-water which hinders its assimilation by 
plants, 911 d above) and fineness of division. For pnettma 
see introd. p. 140. 

6 Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 661 b. 

c The view that simple substances are most digestible is 
maintained by a speaker at Quaest. Conviv. 661 b-e (cf. 

154 



NATURAL PHENOMENA II, 912 

light and airy, and being mixed with wind (pneuma) 
is quickly directed and transmitted up into the plant, 
on account of its tenuity ? a That is also why it makes 
bubbles, due to the admixture of air. 

Or is the most nourishment provided by what is 
most completely mastered by the thing nourished 6 
— this is what we mean by concoction, non-concoction 
being the opposite, when the food is too strong to be 
acted upon — while thin, simple, and flavourless sub- 
stances, such as rain-water, are more subject to 
change ? c Rain, being formed in the air and wind, 
descends pure and uncontaminated. But spring- 
waters are assimilated both to the earth through 
which they have passed and to the localities where 
they emerge.^ Thus they become infected with 
many qualities which make them less convertible and 
slower to submit themselves to change by concoction 
into the thing they nourish. The ease with which 
rain-water, on the other hand, can be converted is 
indicated by its putrefaction : it is more ready to 
putrefy than the water of rivers and wells , 6 and con- 
coction would seem to be putrefaction, as Empedocles , 

[Aristotle], Problemata, 861 a 6), the contrary at 663 b and 
725 c-d. For " concoction " see introd. p. 138. 

d It is possible that Plutarch thinks that not only the earth 
but also the air at the point of exit of a spring affects the 
quality of the water; cf. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. iii. 2\. 2 : 
locus atque aer aquas inficit similesque regionibus reddit 
per quas et ex quibus veniunt." But Michael Glycas, 
Annates, p. 31 Bekker, says that waters have the qualities of 
the earth a<j> y f)s hiipxovrai re koX avipxovrai. 

e For this view cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 34 ; Hippo- 
crates, Airs, Waters, Places, 8 (but on the ground that rain- 
water is of mixed origin). On the other hand an anonymous 
speaker in Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. 725 d says that standing 
waters are more subject to putrefaction, because impure and 
mixed with earth. 

155 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(912) kXtjs fiaprvpel Xeyojv 

OLVOS OL7TO <f>XotOV TTcAcrat GCL7T€V €V £vX(l) v8(jOp. 

*H Trdvrcov iroL/JLorarov cart /cat pqorov atrtacra- 
odai to yXvKV rtov d/z/?/>ta>v /cat y^pr\aTov y eloTrepi- 
Trofievov 1 evdvs vtto rod TTve-6 pharos ; Sto /cat ra 
dpefjifjuara tovtojv 2 drroXavei rrpoOvpLorepov, /cat ol 
fidrpaxoi TrpoohoK&vres ofifipov emXapbTTpvvovoi 
rrjv (frcovrjv vtto papas', worrep rjSvofjba rod XtpLvatov 
to veriov 77/3ocr8e^o/x€vot /cat oWp/za rfjs e/cetVa>v 
yXvKvrrjTos 3 * ev yap /cat rovro 77ot€trat orjp,€iov 
D verov fieXXovros "Aparos elrrajv 

rj fAaXa 4 Set'Aatat yeveat, 5 vhpoioiv oveiap, 
avrodev €K Xifivrjs 6 rrarepes j3ooa>crt 7 yvpivojv. 

1 €la7T€/jL7T6fi€vov F. H. S., cf. Hippocrates, De Flatibus, 7 
(Corp. Med. Graec. i. 1, p. 95. 8) : iK7T€fi7r6fi€vov. ? eWc/i?™- 
fievo)v Hubert. 

2 tovtojv Wyttenbach : Taurus. 

3 The text is suspect ; perhaps some words, to which cjcet- 
vo)v refers, are missing. 

4 i) fidXa] rj fi&XXov mss. of Aratus, but 77/LiaAaS Pap. Mus. 
Brit. 484 e. 

5 Sei'Aaicu. yeveai Anon. (Amyot) : S77 Xeyew yevvaiai H : S17- 
A**** yew** at U 1 : SctAal yeveai U 2 a, mss. of Aratus. 

6 €K Xl^lvtjs U 2 a : eV Xtfivrjs IPH. cf t/Saros MSS. of Aratus. 

7 fiooojoi all 3 : poaxnv IPH. 

a Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 b 81, quoted again 
below, 919 c. H. Diels, Poet. Philos. Frag. p. 137, explains 
that the juice of the grape is derived from moisture seeping 
through the bark of the vine, not from that taken up by the 
roots, comparing Quaest. Conviv. 688 a : toZs fiev <I>vtoIs e#c tov 

TTCpUxOVTOS, OJS <t>7}GlV 'E/ZTTcSo/cAtJs, v8p€v6fl€V0lS TO TTpOO(f>OpOV. 

Yet Empedocles held that the quality of wine depends on the 
soil in which the vine grows (Aetius, v. 26). It is possible 
that, although Plutarch doubtless had dno in his text, Empedo- 
cles really wrote vtto, as Xylander suggested : " Wine comes 
when water putrefies under the bark in the wood." olvos here 

156 



NATURAL PHENOMENA II, 912 

words bear witness : 
Water from bark makes wine, when putrid in the wood- a 
Or does the easiest and most obvious explanation lie 
in the good, sweet constituents of rain-water, which 
are immediately carried into (the plant) by the action 
of the wind (contained in it). That goodness is the 
reason why domestic animals also drink rain-water 
with great zest, and frogs, when expecting rain, croak 
more loudly and clearly for joy, b looking forward to 
the rain-water as a kind of sweetening for the water of 
the pond, and as a seed from which the freshness of 
the other waters will increase (?). Aratus includes 
this among the signs of coming rain ; he says : 

Straight from their pond the tadpoles' fathers utter their 

cry, 
Pitiable tribes in sooth, the water-snakes' delight. e 

seems to mean, not wine, but grape-juice, cf. 676 b : a clay soil 
is hot, Sco koX gvv€K7T€tt€lv tov otvov. The view that concoction 
(which gives rise to grape-juice, cf. 918 e infra) is a kind of 
putrefaction or decay is contrary to the standard Aristotelian 
opinion that distinguishes these two processes, the former 
being the formation of a substance, effected by natural in- 
ternal heat, the latter its destruction, due to alien external 
heat. (Indeed Aristotle, Topica, 127 a 17, dismisses Em- 
pedocles' view that wine is putrefied water.) Nevertheless, in 
Aristotle (?), Meteor. 379 b 10 ff., concoction is used as a 
generic term for all operations of heat. 

6 Cf. De Sollertia Animalium, 982 e ; Aelian, Be Natura 
Animal, ix. 13. 

c Aratus, Phaenomena, 946 (Diosemia, 214). The scholiast 
on this passage, who (as I am informed by Mr. C. Hattink) 
may derive his comment from Plutarch's Amai twv 'Aparou 
AiooTjfielcov, writes fidXiGra 8e <j>i\ovoi to ofifipiov yXvKvrepov yap 
ion rod Trqyalov. Bio €\)<j>paiv€i avrovs /cat ttX4ov ^ojoyovelv TroitZ, 
ws koll ra <j>vra fxdXXov vito rod opLppivov daXXovoiv. Hence it 
is possible, on the assumption of a lacuna, that the word 
o7T€pna in 912 c refers to the mating of frogs, which croak 
particularly in the breeding season. 

157 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 



(912) Ata, ri TrapafidXXovai rols Qpe\i\xaaiv aAas ol vo- 
fiels; 

Ylorepov, cos ol rroXXol vojjli^ovol, ttXtjOovs rpo- 
<f)fjs eW/ca /cat rod Tiayyvziv; ttjv re yap ope^iv rj 
SpLpLVTrjs e/c/caAetrat /cat tovs rropovs dvaoTopbovaa 

/JbdXXoV oSo7TOt€t Tjj 1 TpO(/)fj 7TpOS TTjV dvdSoGlV 8i6 
/Cat TOVS lo^VOVS /Cat TOVS OLTp6(f)OVS ' A7ToA\(x)VlOS 6 

e Hpo^tAetos 2 e/ce'Aeue put] yXvKel fjbrjSe )(ovhpcp z Tpe- 

E </)€LV dXXd TOLS TOLpLX€VTOLS Kdl vfiaXfJLVpL^OVCTLV, d)V 

rj XeTTTOTiqs, tborrep evrpt^coju-a 4 yevofievT], 6 to\ aiTia 

toZs acofiaat Sta tcov iropojv 7TpooTiQr)Giv. 

*H fidXXov vyteias eve/ca /cat avyKOTrfjs TrXrjdovs* 

tov dXa Aet'^etv 7 idit.ovoi to. /Jocr/co^tara; vouel ydp 

dyav TTiaivopieva, ttjv 8e TnpieXrjv Tr\Kovaiv ol aXes 

/cat hiax^ovaiv oQev evfiapcos kcll paSlcos drroSe- 

povatv avTa ocf)d£avT€s B • r] yap /coAAoDcra Kal ovv- 

Seovaa to Sep/xa TTipieXr) XerrTrj /cat dadevrjs yeyovev 

vtto ttjs 8pi[xvT7jTos. XeTTTVveTai 8e /cat TO alfjia 

1 rfj U 2 a : re rfj IPH. 

2 'HpotyXeios Bernardakis : r)po<j>L\ios U 1 !! : i)po<j>L\ov U 2 a. 

3 xov8pa> Bernardakis : x ov ^PV' 

4 evrpt^co/xa] flpiy/cco/za 685 B. 

5 y€vofj,4v7)] ? ytvofxevrj, cf. 685 b. 

6 ? GvyK07rijs KmfieXrjs rj rpo^rjsy rrXriBovs. 

7 A«'x€u> U 2 a : \a X eZv IPH. 

158 



NATURAL PHENOMENA III, 912 

III 

Why do herdsmen put down salt for their animals ? 

Is it, as most people think, so that they shall eat 
plentifully and to fatten them ? The pungency of 
salt stimulates the appetite and at the same time by 
opening up the passages better prepares the way for 
the food to be distributed to the body. That is, in- 
deed, the reason why Apollonius a the follower of 
Herophilus recommended that thin and unthriving 
subjects should be fed, not on syrup and gruel, but 
on pickled and slightly salted foods, the fineness of 
which, having become a kind of hairy growth (?), b 
causes an accretion of food through the passages to 
their bodies. 

Or is it rather for the sake of health and reduction 
of bulk that they accustom their herds to lick salt ? 
Animals that grow over-fat are unhealthy, and salt 
melts fat away and dissipates it. Hence when they 
slaughter the animals, they skin them easily and con- 
veniently, as the fat that binds the hide and causes 
it to adhere has become thin and weak from the 
pungency (of the salt). The blood, too, of animals 

° Surnamed " Mouse," flourished c. 60 b.c, see M. Well- 
mann, Hermes, xxiii (1888), p. 565. Herophilus of Chalcedon, 
a brilliant anatomist, worked at Alexandria c. 300 b.c. His 
followers developed other sides of his medical teaching. 

6 Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 685 b. This passage awaits ex- 
planation. ivTpixwfJLOL might be expected to mean a growth of 
hairs or filaments : its only known use is of that part of the 
eyelid from which the lashes grow, Pollux, ii. 69. Does 
Plutarch mean that the " fine " parts of salty foods form fine 
threads, which pass through the passages and draw the rest 
of the food after them ? 

8 avTa o<f)d£avT€S Anon. 3 (Turnebus) : avras <f>v\a£avT€S» 

159 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(912) rtov 1 dXas Aet^oVraw 2 ov8e Trrfyvvrcu tcl ivros dXcov 
fiiyevTcov. 

2/co7ret Se fjirj /cat yovt/xaWepa /cat TrpoOvpLorepa 

F TTpos rds avvovaias*' /cat yap at kvvzs kvovgl rax^cos 

rdpi^os €77ecr0tot>crat, /cat ra dAryyd 4 ra)v ttXoilov 

nXelovs rpecpet jjlvs Std to 7toAAolkls ovfJL7rX€K€o6ai. 



Ata rt rcbv ofifipitov vSdrcov evaXSeorepa* rots 
arrepfiaoL rd /xerd fipovrcbv /cat dorparrcbv, a S^ 
/cat dorpaTTCua 6 /caAoucrt; 

IldT€pov ort 7TV€VfJLaTCo8rj Std t^v tou depos 
rapaxrjv /cat dvdfjutjiv, to Se TTvevpia tt)v vyporrjra 
klvovv ptaXXov dva7T€fJL7T€i /cat dvahlScocriv ; 
913 *H fipovrds p<€V /cat doT/oaTrds 1 7rotet rd Oepfxov iv 
rep depi irpos to ifjvxpov /xa^o/xevov (Std 7 ^et/xcovos' 
rJKLora jSpovra 8 /xdAtora S' eapos /cat cpdivorrcopov 
Std tt)v dvcojxaXiav rfjs Kpdoecos), rj Se depfiorrjs 

1 tcov Bernardakis : tcov to. 

2 ActxoVrcov] StaAet^ovTcuv Psellus. 

3 awouaias] Psellus adds ivrcvdev Kadlcrravrat. 

4 aAwya Vat. 139, c/. 685 d : (1A77 ra Ua. 

5 €va\hioT€pa Xylander, cf. 664 d : cuapSe'orcpa Ua Psellus. 

6 aorpairala Anon. 2 (Turnebus) : aarpairas. 

7 816] 8to /cat Psellus. 

8 fipovra Anon. 2 (Turnebus) : ppovral Ua Psellus. 

° Obscure, but the converse phrase seems to occur at 
Quaest. Conviv. 690 a (17 vyporys noicl) rpofaixwrepa ra> €yxa- 
Xaodat ra. cWos", where ra. ivros must refer to the contents of 
the stomach. The idea that salt water prevents constipation 
160 



NATURAL PHENOMENA III-IV, 912-913 

that lick salt grows thin and there is no internal 
solidification a if there is an admixture of salt. 

Consider, however, whether they do not become at 
once more fertile and readier to mate. Certainly 
bitches conceive quickly if they eat salted meat after 
copulating, 6 and ships that carry a cargo of salt breed 
more rats c because of their frequent coition. 



IV 

Why is the water of rains that accompany thun- 
der and lightning, which is in fact called " lightning- 
water/' productive of better growth in seedlings ? d 

Is it because these rains are full of wind (pneuma) 
through the disturbance of the air and its (conse- 
quent) admixture, and the wind, by imparting move- 
ment to the moisture, better effects its rise and dis- 
tribution (in the plant) ? 

Or is it that thunder and lightning are caused by 
the conflict of warmth and cold in the air e (which is 
why there is least thunder in the winter, and most in 
the spring and autumn/ owing to the uneven tem- 

is mentioned but rejected by Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, 
Places, 7. 

6 Cf. Quaest, Conviv. 685 d, but there the salted meat is 
given to bitches as an aphrodisiac. 

c On the existence of rats in classical antiquity see W. P. 
Mac Arthur, Trans, Boy. Soc. Troy, Medicine and Hygiene, 
xlvi (1952), pp. 209 ff. 

d Cf. Quaest, Conviv, 664 d, where cvaX&rjs is said to be a 
farmers' word. The true reason is that the rain of a thunder- 
storm contains nitric acid, formed by the passage of electric 
currents through the air in the presence of water : the nitro- 
gen is a rapid stimulant of plant growth. 

• Cf, Aristotle, Meteor ologica, 369 a 12-29. 

t Cf. Pliny, Nat, Hist, ii. 136 ; Arrian, Frag, Phys, 3. 

VOL. XI G 161 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(913) Trerrovaa 1 to vypov 7rpoo<f)iXes Troiel toXs PAaard- 
vovgl /cat wc^eXipbov ; 

*H fjidXiara fxev eapos fipovra /cat doTpditTei Sta 
ttjv elprjfjiivrjv alriav, rd 8' eapivd tcov vSdrcjv 
dvayKcuoTepa tols OTrepfiaoi rrpo 2 tov depovs, odev 
7] irXeloTOV vofxevr] tov eapos X ( ^ ) P a ^o\Qdnrep rj ev 
Zi/ceAta 7roXXovs /cat dyadovs Kapnovs dvaoiowoiv ; 



Ata tl tcov yv[iGyVy oktco tlq yevei ovtlov, eva 
B jaovov, tov dXfivpov, air 9 ovSevos Kapirov yevvojfxevov 
opco/xev; /catVot /cat tov TTitcpov 7} eXaia <f>epei rrpco- 
tov /cat tov 6£vv 3 6 fioTpvs, eVra /z€Taj8aAAa>v 6 fxev 
yiv€Tai Xmapos 6 8' olvcoSrjs' /-terajSaAAet Se /cat o 
OTpv<j>v6s ev rats* cpoiviKofSaXdvocs /cat 6 avoTrjpos 
iv tolls poiats 4 els tov yXvKVV (eVtat Se poiat /cat [xrjXa 
tov o£w aTTAojs tpepovoLV), o be bpipuvs ev Tats 
pleats /cat OTTepixaoi ttoXvs eort. 

II orepov oSv ovk eoTiv dXpuvpov yeveois dXXd 
cf)6opd tcov dXXcov to dXfivpov, 8 to /cat ttololv arpo- 
<£ov Tot? a7ro <f>VTtov /cat OTTeppLaTajv t pecfro fievo is, 

1 ireTTovaa later mss. : m7TTovoa Ua Psellus. 

2 7TDo] ? TO)l> 7T0O. 

3 Iffo U* i dffapt U 2 a. 

4 poais Ua. 

5 o'f w U 1 Psellus : 6£ivrp U 2 a. 

a On Kpdms (temperature) see introd. p. 139. 

6 The meaning may be that spring rain is more essential 
than winter rain ; but the Greek is awkward and should 
perhaps be emended to mean " more essential than those 
which come just before the time of harvest." 

162 



NATURAL PHENOMENA IV-V, 913 

perature) and the warmth by concocting the moisture 
makes it agreeable and helpful to growing things ? a 
Or do thunder and lightning occur particularly in 
the spring for the reason given, while spring rains are 
more essential to the seedlings, coming before the 
heat of the summer, 6 so that the land that receives 
most rain in the spring, like that in Sicily, grows crops 
that are good in quantity and in quality. 



Why do we observe that only one of the eight ge- 
neric flavourings, namely the salty, is not produced by 
any seed or fruit ? d Yet the olive produces the bitter 
flavouring at first and the grape the acid flavouring ; 
afterwards the flavourings change and become the one 
oily, the other vinous. The astringent flavouring in 
dates, too, and the sour in pomegranates turn to the 
sweet, although some pomegranates and apples pro- 
duce nothing but the acid. The pungent flavouring 
is prominent in roots and seeds. 6 

Is the point that there is no generation of the salty 
flavouring, which is, on the contrary, a corruption of 
the others ? That is the reason why it is not nutri- 
tious for any animal that feeds on plants and seeds, 

e Cf. Comm. in Hes. OD 485 (vol. vii, p. 75 Bernardakis) ; 
Theophrastus, Be Causis Plant, iv. 9. 5, Hist. Plant, viii. 6. 6. 

d The eight flavourings are the acid (dftk), sweet (yXvKvs), 
astringent (oTpv<f>v6s)> bitter (irucpos), salty (dXfxvpos) 9 pun- 
gent (Splays), oily (\i7Tap6s) 9 and sour (avarvpos), see Theo- 
phrastus, De Causis Plant, vi. 4. 1 . Others added the vinous 
(oIvwStjs), as does Plutarch here, failing to observe that he 
thus enumerates nine, not eight, flavourings. 

e The punctuation and rendering follow Psellus's para- 
phrase. 

163 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(913) rjhvofia 8* iviois yiverai rco to 7rXrjofiLov d<f>aip€iv 
tcov rp€(f)6vTa)v; 
C "H, Kaddrrep rfjs daXaTTrjs eiftovres d<j>aipovoi to 

dXvKOV KCLL 87)KTlKOV, iv TO IS KOLpTTols 1 VTTO depflO- 

t7)tos iijapLavpovTOU to dXfjivpov; 

M H ^tyx-os* fiev ioTLV, ojs riAarcov elrrev, vScop 
r)6r)fievov Sid </)vtov, 8ir)9ovfi€vr) Se koI OdXaTTa to 
dXfivpov diTofSdXXei; yecx)8es yap /ecu rraxv fiepis 
ioTtv, 80€v opVTTovTes rrapd tov alyiaXdv ivTvy- 

XdvOVOL TTOTLfJLOlS Al/JaSlOl?, 7ToXXol Se KCU K7]pLVOLS 

dyyetois dvaXafifidvovoiv e/c ttjs OaXaTTrjs v8a)p 
yXvKV 8ir)0ovfi€vov, drroKpivofiivov tov dXvKov /ecu 
yecoSous" r) Se Si' dpylXov 2 TrpoScaycoyrj TravTairaoi 

D TTJV OdXaTTaV 8 17} 6 OVfJL€Vr}V TTOTLflOV d7To8l8a)OL TCU 

/care^etv iv iavTrj /cat fir) SueVcu to yecoSes 1 . 

OvTCOS* Se TOVTOJV ixOVTCOV, 6LKOS i(JTL TCt (f)VTd 

firyr etjtodev dvaXafifidveiv dXfivpiSa firjr 9 , dv iv 
olvtols* Xdfirj yeveotv, iKKpcveiv els tov Kaprrov oi 

1 KapTTois F. H. S. : Oepfiots. 

2 8i' apyiXov Meziriacus : koX apyia /cat. 

3 ovtcos U : ovtoj a. 

4 avrols U 2 : avrols U 1 a. 

° The ripening of fruit is a process of concoction, and the 
fruit is first formed by concoction of the plant's food. The 
internal heat that works these concoctions destroys any salti- 
ness there may be in the food. The extraordinary idea that 
sea-water can be made sweet by boiling it is found in 
Ps.- Aristotle, Problemata, 933 b 1 1 ; Geoponica, ii. 47. 3 ; 
and Cassius (Ideler, Physici et Medici Graeci Minor 'es, i, p. 
163). Perhaps it arose from a misunderstanding of some 
account of distillation, cf. Michael Glycas, Annates, i, p. 10 
(19 Bekker) : /ecu avro to ttjs OaXaTTTjs vbcop thoi tis civ vrro 
tcov vavTiXXofxivcov €tp6fievov . . . ttjvikolvtol yap oiroyyois vtto- 
BexofMCvoi. tovs dvayofievovs iicefflev drfwvs ktX. Hippocrates, 
164 



NATURAL PHENOMENA V, 913 

although for some it acts as a relish by removing the 
satiety caused by the foods that do nourish them. 

Or is the salty flavouring extinguished in fruits by 
the action of heat, just as men remove the saltiness 
and tang of sea-water by boiling it? a 

Or is a flavouring, as Plato said, 5 water that has 
been strained through a plant, whereas even the sea 
loses its saltiness when filtered ? For this saltiness is 
earthy and in large particles c ; hence by digging on 
the seashore men come on drinkable moisture ; fre- 
quently too, they draw up sweet filtered water from 
the sea in vessels made of wax, the salty earthy con- 
stituents being thus separated from it ; previous 
passage through white clay also renders the sea, so 
filtered, quite drinkable, because the clay retains the 
earthy constituent and does not let it through. d 

This being so, it is probable that plants neither 
take up anything salty from their environment nor 
secrete any salty product, should it be generated 
internally, into their seed or fruit, since their passages 

A irs, Waters, Places, 8 generalizes : not only water, but any- 
thing else, is sweetened by boiling. b Timaeus, 59 e. 

c Cf Quaest. Conviv. 627 b and c (from Aristotle). 

d Salt can be extracted from sea-water by filtering through 
certain resins, but not through clay or wax. The mistake 
over the origin of fresh water in a well by the sea-shore (cf 
Lucretius, ii. 474, vi. 635) is understandable, but not that over 
the story of the wax vessel, which is told circumstantially by 
Aristotle, Meteor ologica, 358 b 34, Historia Animal. 590 a 24, 
and Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 70, who mentions also the filtering 
through clay. H. Diels, Hermes, xl (1905), pp. 312 fT., thinks 
that these stories were given currency by Democritus, who 
may also have enumerated the eight flavourings (Theo- 
phrastus, De Sensu, 64 ff.). Modern failures to repeat the 
experiment with wax bottles are recorded by M. K. Stephani- 
des, 'AOyva, xiii (1901), p. 3, and D'Arcy W. Thompson in 
the Oxford Translation of Aristotle, Historia Animalium. 

165 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(913) yap Ttopoi S«z X^TTTorrfra to yewSes kcll Traxvpiepes 
ov hirjdovow. 

*H rrjs 7TiKp6rrjTos ethos rr\v dXfJLVporr]Ta dereov, 
cos "OfATjpos; — 

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mKprjv, tj tol 1 ttoXXov 2 arro Kparos KeXdpvl^ev. 3 
Kat 6 HXdrcov <f)7]clv dpufiorepovs pvirreiv kcll 

d7TOT7]K€LV TOVS X V f JL °^y fjTTOV Se TCLVTCl 7TOL€LV TOP 

dXvKov kcll ov Tpctyvv etvcLL* So£et Se TO TTLKpOV rod 
E dXvKov ^rjporrjros VTrepfioXfj Sia^epeiv, eVet tjrjpav- 

TLKOV Tt 4 KOL TO dXvKOV. 



Ata tl rols ovvexcos Sta rcov SeSpocricr/zeVaw 
SeVSpcov jSaS^ouat Xerrpav lox €L T( * ^CLVovra rrjs 
vXrjs /xdpta rod acopLaros; 

Horepov, cos Aclltos eAeye, rfj X€7tt6tt)tl to Spo~ 
crcoSes vypov arro^veL rod xpcoros; 

"H, KaOdrrep epvolpr) rols 5 vypaivofidvoLs iyyl- 

V€TCLL OTTeppLCLOLV y OVTCOS VTTO TTJS SpOOOV TCOV €7Tt- 

7roXrjs* ^Aa)pa)v kclI aTraXcov dvaxcLpaaoojJLevcov kclI 
d7roT7]KOjJi€Vcov dyyr\ tls amoved rod oivovros 
dvaTTLfiTrXrjOLy Trpooxeopbivrj re 1 rols dvaLfiordroLS 
jjiepeoL rrjs oapKos, ota KvfjpiaL Kal rroSes, dfivooeL 

1 fj tol U 2 a : -qroi U 1 . r\ oi Homer. 

2 noXXov] 7ToXXrj Homer. 3 K€\dpv£ev U 1 : KeXdpv^e aU corr. 

4 ti later mss. : tc. 5 rols Xylander : tj tois* 

6 imiToXTJs later mss. and a corr. : em 7toXXtjs U. 

7 tc added by F. H. S. (koI 7rpoax> Anon. (Amyot)). 

a Odyssey, v. 322-323. Theophrastus thus identified the 
salt and bitter flavourings. 

166 



NATURAL PHENOMENA V-VI, 913 

are too narrow to allow the large-sized earthy con- 
stituents to filter through. 

Or ought we to regard saltiness as a species of 
bitterness, like Homer ? — 

From his mouth he spat the brine, 

The bitter brine that pattered and gushed in streams from 
his head. a 

Plato, too, says that both these flavourings cleanse 
and dissolve, but that the salty does so less, and is not 
rough. 5 It will also be agreed that the bitter flavour- 
ing differs from the salty by a greater dryness, since 
even the salty has a certain drying effect. 

VI 

Why do those who constantly walk through bushes 
wet with dew contract a scabbiness on those parts of 
their bodies that come into contact with the brush- 
wood ? c 

Is it, as Laetus d said, that the moisture of dew 
abrades the skin by reason of its fineness ? 

Or that, just as mildew e forms on seeds that be- 
come damp, similarly when the tender green surfaces 
are scarified and dissolved by the dew, a kind of fluff 
comes away and causes infection with the mischief ; 
and if it settles on such parts of the flesh as are least 
well supplied with blood, like the feet and lower 

6 Timaeus, 65 d-e, a passage which recognizes seven of the 
eight flavourings, omitting the oily. 

c Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 33, Seneca, Nat. Quaest. iii. 25. 
1 1 , also believe that dew causes scabbiness. 

d See above, 911 f. 

e Cf. Theophrastus, De Causis Plant, iii. 23. 1-2, iv. 14. 3. 
Pliny, Nat. Hist, xviii. 91. 275, thinks that dew causes mil- 
dew. The English word " mildew " means " honey-dew." 

167 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

jT Kai ocLKvei ttjv €7TL(pav€Lav ; on yap cpvaei n orj- 

KTLKOV €V€GTL TTJ OpOGO), (JLapTVpel TO TOVS TTLOVCLS 1 

loxyorepovs 2 7tol€lv al yovv ttiovzs yvvaiKes IfJLarLois 
r) ipuoLS a7TaAois dvaXapbfldvovoai rrjs opoaov So- 

KOVOL GVVTrjK€LV TTJV 7To\vGapKLCLV. 



Ata ri tcl ttXoZol ^€t/xa)vo9 iv toIs TTorapuols rrXel 
fipaoioVy ev 8e rfj daXdrrr) ov TrapaTrArjOLOJS ; 

Yiorepov 6 TTOTafAios arjp, del SvoKivrjTOS wv Kal 
fiapvs ev ok ^66/xa>^6 pu&AAov Traxvvofievos 3 otd rrjv 

TTepLlfjV^lV , €fJL7TOO(i)V €GTL TOLS TtAzOVGIV / 

*H TOVTO fJL&AAoV TOV depOS 7TaGXOVGLV ol TTOTCL- 

914 /jlol; avveAavvovoa* yap r) ifjvxporrjs to v8a>p TroieZ 
fiapv Kal GWjjLartoSes, <Ls eonv ev rats KAeifsvopais 
KarapuadeZv y jSpaStov yap HAkovgl x €L f Jb( ^ >vo ^ V 
depovs* ev 8e QpqKT) irepl to Yldyyaiov loropeZ 
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dyyeZov 1 vSaros Icrrdfievov ^ei/za^o? eA/cetv oWAa- 
glov GraOfiov r) Oepovs. on 8' rj ttvkvottjs tov 

1 TTiovas Jannot : nlvovraS' 

2 loyyoTipovs later MSS. : icrxyoiropovs. 

3 Traxwo^ievos Anon. 3 (Turnebus) : dnaXwoixevos* 

4 avveXavvovaa Anon. (Amyot) : iXavvovoa. 

6 a<f>* Anon. (Amyot) : i<f>\ 

6 ydfiov aU 3 : fievov U 1 . 

7 dyyetov added by Wyttenbach. 

a The clepsydra, which was a device used for transferring 
liquids, consisted of a closed vessel with small holes in its 
base and a larger one above. When placed in a liquid with 
the upper hole uncovered, it would fill from beneath ; the 
hole being stopped by a finger or a plug, it could be lifted 

168 



NATURAL PHENOMENA VI-VII, 913-914 

parts of the leg, it scratches and erodes the skin ? 
That dew has a natural erosive property is evidenced 
by its making fat people thinner. At any rate fat 
women imagine that by soaking up some dew on 
cloths or soft flocks of wool they cause their excess 
flesh to melt away. 



VII 

Why do boats travel more slowly on rivers during 
the winter, while there is nothing like the same effect 
in the sea ? 

Is it that the river air, which is always sluggish and 
heavy, and is further thickened in the winter by 
being chilled, is an obstacle to one's passage? 

Or is it the rivers rather than the air that are so 
affected ? The cold compresses the water and makes 
it heavy and more substantial, as can be observed in 
our clepsydrae, a which draw up water more slowly in 
winter than in summer. And Theophrastus records 
the existence on Mount Pangaeum in Thrace of a 
spring with this peculiarity : one and the same vessel 
filled with water from it and put on the scales weighs 
twice as much in winter as in summer. 6 That the 

out of the liquid, its contents being unable to escape through 
the small holes owing to the atmospheric pressure until the 
upper hole was unstopped. The same name was applied to a 
device which applied the same principle and was used in the 
law-courts to measure the time allowed to a speaker. 

6 According to Athenaeus, 41 f ff., Theophrastus told this 
story in Hcpl twv vhdrcov (frag. 159 Wimmer), where he gave 
the weight ratio as 96 : 46. An experiment involving an 
exact quantitative observation is unusual in antiquity, and 
this one cannot have been correctly performed, if the result 
is correctly reported. 

169 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(914) vSgltos rv)v PpaSvTrjra rtoiel rod rrXov, SrjXov ion 
rtp irXeiova yopiov <f>ip€iv ra Trordp^ia irXola rod 
X€i[j,a)vos' to yap vocop pbdXXov avrepeiozi ttvkvo- 
repov /cat fiapvrepov ywofievov, rrjv Se OdXarrav rj 
B Oepiiorrjs KcoXvei rrvKvovoOaiy 01 rjv ovoe 7TrjyvvTai, 
fjidXKr] 1 ydp eou<€v etvai 2 ttvkvojois. 



H 

Ata tl, tcov dXXcov vypcjv iv rep KiveloQcu /cat 
OTpefcaOai ifjvxofJLevcov, rrjv OdXarrav 6pd)fJi€v iv rep 
KVfJLarovadai depfJLorepav yiyvopLevrjv ; 

*H 3 rcov [lev dXXcov vypoov iireiGooiov ovoav /cat 
aXXorpiav itjlorrjoiv rj Ktvrjois rrjv OepfjLorrjra /cat 
oia<j)opei, rrjv Se rfjs daXdrrrjs ovpb(f>vrov ovoav 

€KpL7TL^OVGL fl&XXoV OL aVCflOL /Cat Tpi<f)OVOl ; flap- 

rvpea 4, 0€ rrjs depfjLorrjTOS rj Stavyeta /cat to pur) 
7rr)yvva9cu, Kaiirep ovoav yeooSrj /cat jSapetav. 



6 

Ata Tt rod ^etjLtcDvos" rjrrov iriKpd yiverai yeuo/xe- 

1 fi,d\Kr) Doehner : fiaXaKr). 

2 elvat Hubert : elvat r). 

3 rj Duebner : r) U 1 : rj U 2 a. 

4 fiaprvpia later mss. : fxaprvpia Ua. 

° Freezing of water seems to be identified or compared 
with the numbing of the body by cold. 

6 Cf. Aristotle, Meteorologica, 358 b 6. A phenomenon 
familiar to bathers, but not registered by thermometers. The 
cause of the illusion is to be sought mainly in the relative 

170 



NATURAL PHENOMENA VII-IX, 914 

slowness of the boat's progress is caused by the 
density of the water is clear from the fact that river- 
vessels carry more cargo in the winter ; the water, 
becoming denser and heavier, has greater buoyancy. 
The sea, on the other hand, is prevented from growing 
denser by its warmth, which is also the cause of its 
not freezing, since stiffening induced by cold is in all 
probability an increase in density. a 

VIII 

Why do we observe that the sea becomes warmer 
when it grows rough, whereas all other liquids grow 
colder when moved and stirred ? b 

Are we to say that movement expels and dissipates 
warmth from all other liquids, in which it is an alien 
intrusion, but the warmth of the sea, being natural 
to it, is rather fanned and fed by the winds ? Evi- 
dence of this natural warmth is to be found in the 
sea's transparency c and the fact that it does not 
freeze, in spite of being earthy and heavy. d 

IX 

Why does the sea become less bitter to the taste 

temperatures of sea and air, and the chilling effect of the 
wind that often accompanies a rough sea. 

c The argument appears to be that transparent water must 
contain light and therefore fire and warmth (cf. 915 a below). 
The sea is no more transparent than fresh water, but some 
Greeks, perhaps as not familiar with any deep fresh waters, 
thought that it was (Problemata, 932 b 8, 935 b 17). 

d Freezing is regarded as solidification, which might be 
expected to occur more readily in a liquid with an initial 
proportion of solid matter. 

171 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(914) vols rj ddXarra; tovto yap <f>aoc Kal kiovvoiov 
LGTopecv tov vSpaycoyov. 

C *H* on 7TavreXa)S fiev epr)p,os ovk eon yXvKvrrj- 
tos ouS' dfJLOipos rj 7TiKpoTr)s, are Srj rroTapbovs 

TOGOVTOVS V7TOO€XOfJL€Vr)S TTJS 6aXaTT7]S' TOV 8' rjXiov 
TO yXvKV KCU TTOTipbOV Z^dipOVVTOS V7TO KOV(f)OT7)TOS 
€7TL7ToXd^OV 2 KOI pb&XXoV €V Tip 0€p€L TOVTO 7TOLOVV- 

tos, iv Se Tip y€.ipjGivi pbaXaKcoTepov diTTopiivov oi 
doOiveiav OeppLOTrjTOS, VTroXenTopLevr) puotpa ttoXXtj 3 
yXvKVTrjTOS dvirjoi to aKpaTcos niKpov kcli <f>appba- 
KtoSes; tovto S' rjovx^] Kal tois noTipLois ovpufie- 
firjKe* Oepovs yap TrovrjpoTepa yiVerat, to KovcfroTa- 
tov Kal yXvKVTaTOV tov deppuov SiacfyopovvTos, iv Se 
D xet/zcovt veov imppeL 4, Kal 7Tp6o(/)aTOv, ov pLCTex^^v 
dvdyKt] Kal ttjv OdXaTTav, vop,ivr\v h a/xa Kal tcov 

7TOTa[AQ)V i7Tl8l86vTO)V . 



I 



Ata tl Tip otvcp uaAaooav rrapax^ovoi — Kai XPV" 
apuov Tiva Xeyovoiv 'AAatefe 6 KopuoOfjvat TTpooTaT- 
TovTa fiaTTTi^eiv tov Alovvoov Trpos ttjv OdXaTTav — 

1 rj added by one late ms. (rj). 

2 €7MToAd£,ov Duebner : to iirnroAd^ov. 

3 noWrj one late ms. : 7roA\rjs. 

4 imppcl Duebner (elopel Amyot) : oneipei. 

5 vo[L€vr\v Kronenberg : o€io\ji£vr)v. elavofjLCvrjv Post. 

6 'AAcuefr F. H. S. : dAicfe. Of. Schol. T. Iliad, vi. 136 : X PV 
172 



NATURAL PHENOMENA IX-X, 914 

in winter ? a They say that this fact is also recorded 
by Dionysius the designer of aqueducts. b 

Are we to say that the sea's bitterness is not en- 
tirely devoid or destitute of sweetness, seeing that so 
many rivers discharge into it ? Now the sun removes 
the sweet drinkable water, which, being light, lies on 
the surface. This action is greater in the summer ; 
the winter sun has a gentler effect, as its warmth 
lacks strength, so that a large measure of sweetness 
is left behind to dilute the unadulteratedly bitter and 
poisonous constituents. The same thing occurs in a 
mild way with drinkable waters too : they become 
less good in summer, because the warmth dissipates 
the lightest and sweetest constituents, while in the 
winter fresh new water flows in. The sea, too, neces- 
sarily has its share of this fresh water, since rain falls 
upon it and at the same time the rivers increase in 
volume. 



X 

Why do people pour sea-water into wine (and it is 
said that the men of Halae d had an oracle directing 
them to dip Dionysus in the sea), while people who 

a Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 52 ; Cicero, Be Nat. Beor. 
ii. 27. This question assumes the identity of the salt and 
bitter flavourings, see above on Question v. 

6 Unknown. 

e Cf. Aristotle, Meteor ologica, 355 a 32 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 
ii. 222. 

d A deme on the N.E. coast of Attica. 

afxos €866t] 'Ahcucvaiv (Wilamowitz : aXievciiv)' iv ttovtco (Tuem- 
pel : tottco) Alovvgov 'AAcuea (Wilamowitz : dAiea) j8a77Ti£oiT€, 
cos QiXoxopos {Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b 328, F. 191). 

173 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(914) ol Se iroppto OaAdrTrjs i/x^aXXovai yvi/iov ZaClkvvOlclv 
oTTTrjaavTes ; 

Horepov rj OeppLorrjs fiorjdei npos rrjv 7repii}jv^iv y 
77 hi avrrjs 1 i^Larrjat /xaAtora rov otvov aTTOofSev- 
vvovoa /cat (frdetpovaa rrjv hvvapnv; 

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(jLerafioArjv €7TLO$aAeoTaT \ eypv 2, Lorrjat ret yecbSr) 
ire<f>VK6ra orvcfreiv /cat /carto^vatVetv, ol 8' d'Aes 
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arji/jLV eyyiveodai; TTpos 8e tovtols, ooov earl* 

1 rj hi avrrjs F. H. S. : r) avrrjs. rj avrr) Stephanus. rj d^' 
avrrjs Castiglioni. 

2 €7^«7<£aAecrTaT , e^ov Meziriacus : £TTio<t>a\€orarriv I^ovto?. 

3 iarl] tveart, Hubert. 

° Zacynthus (Zante) is still the principal source of gypsum 
in Greece. The Romans thought the use of sea-water char- 
acteristic of Greek wines, cf. Cato, De Agriculture 24, 104- 
106, Plautus, Rudens, 588 ; but some adopted the practice, 
Cato, ibid., Columella, xii. 21-22, who give elaborate direc- 
tions ; cf. also Athenaeus, 26 b, 31 f, 32 d-e, 33 b, Pliny, 
Nat. Hist. xiv. 73-75, 120, 126 (some of which passages also 
speak of gypsum ). The oracle might be more appropriately 
explained by adducing Pliny, ibid. xiv. 78, " vasis musti 
deiectis in mare, quo genere praecox fit vetustas," than by 
the addition of sea- water to the grape-juice, cf. A. Henderson, 
History of Ancient and Modern Wines (1824), p. 40. Ac- 
cording to this author the use of baked gypsum was in his day 
thought to be intended " to absorb the excess of humidity 
(p. 8) and, like that of salt, " to correct the sweetness of the 
liquor " (p. 244). 

Sea- water is perhaps no longer used in Greek wine-making. 
It would slightly increase acidity, since chlorine ions, pro- 
duced by hydrolysis of sodium chloride, decrease the pH 
value. This increased acidity might improve the wine by 
inhibiting the growth of micro-organisms that cause cloudi- 
ness and instability. The use of gypsum, baked or unbaked, 

174 



NATURAL PHENOMENA X, 914 

live far from the coast put in baked gypsum from 
Zacynthus ? a 

Is it that the warmth (in the sea-water) b is an aid 
against chilling, which of itself does more than any- 
thing else to alter the quality of wine by quenching 
and destroying its active characteristic ? c 

Or do the earthy substances, which have astringent 
and reducing properties, fix those ingredients of the 
wine which have the nature of water or breath 
(pneuma) and stand in most danger of change, d while 
the salt which goes with the sea-water, by refining 
and dissolving foreign and superfluous ingredients, 
does not allow the development of unpleasant odours 
or putrefaction ? Moreover, all that is thick and 

which is still practised in some places, has the same good 
effect by a different means : added to the unfermented juice, 
the gypsum (calcium sulphate, hydrated when unbaked) 
reacts with potassium hydrogen tartrate contained in the 
juice and stalks to produce calcium tartrate, potassium sul- 
phate, and tartaric acid : the last, being soluble in alcohol, 
is not precipitated (unlike the insoluble tartrate), but remains 
in the wine and increases its acidity. Calcium sulphate also 
has clarifying properties, since it causes colloidal suspended 
matter to settle out. Plutarch therefore correctly states the 
effects of adding sea-water and gypsum in wine-making, 
although he had no means of knowing how they are produced. 

6 For the supposed warmth of sea-water cf. Question viii. 

c The Bwafus 9 " power " or "active characteristic" of 
wine, is heat (cf. Quaest. Conviv. 701 f, although Plutarch is 
found arguing, not very seriously, for the view that wine is 
cold, ibid. 652 b ff., where he remarks that the question had 
been canvassed by Aristotle). This heat will be destroyed by 
chilling. Thus Aristotle argued that the vinous parts of wine 
became cold on conversion to vinegar, their warmth passing 
into the " watery residue " when the wine " putrefies (frag. 
222 Rose). 

d The vaporous elements tend to evaporate, the watery 
ones to putrefy. 

175 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(914) 7ra^u Kal yecjSes, ipbTrXeKOfJievov rots fiapvrepois Kal 
cjuy/caraoTrco/xevov viroordd pLr}v ttol€l Kal rpvya rov 
S' olvov airoXeiTrei KaOapov. 



IA 

AtCt TL jJL&XXoV VaVTLCOGL TTjV OdAdTTCLV 7tX£oVT€S T} 

tovs TTorafiovSy kolv iv yaXrjvrj ttXIojgi; 

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(frprjcris, rcov Se Tradcbv 6 cfrofios; Kal ydp rpe- 
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rapa^?. 



IB 

Ata ri rrjs OaXdrrrj^ iXaico KarappaLVOfJLevrjs yive- 
rat Kara(f>dv€ia Kal yaXrjvr]; 

YlorepoVy ws ' ApicrToreXrjs </>rjal, to Trvevpua rr\s 

1 r) added by Leonicus (rj on). 
2 Se added by later mss. 

3 7ravTi\ vban Amyot. 
4 dAAd Hubert : dAAd /cat. 

176 



NATURAL PHENOMENA X-XII, 914 

earthy in the wine is entangled with the heavier par- 
ticles and carried down with them to form a deposit, 
the lees, leaving the wine itself clear. 



XI 

Why are people more liable to be sea-sick when on a 
sea- voyage than on rivers, even although they have 
calm weather for the voyage ? 

Are we to say that of all sensations it is smell, and 
of all emotions fear, that most conduces to sickness ? 
Certainly people tremble and shiver and their bowels 
turn to water when imagining some danger. But 
neither of the above causes troubles people who travel 
by river : everybody's sense of smell is accustomed to 
fresh water, such as one can drink, and there is no 
danger in the passage. At sea, on the other hand, 
men find the smell disagreeable because of its strange- 
ness, and not trusting the present weather to last, are 
anxious about what the future holds. Thus the calm 
in their surroundings does them no good : their 
psychological tossing and upset cause an accompany- 
ing disturbance in the body and infect it with their 
disorder. 

XII 

What is the reason for the clearness and calm pro- 
duced when the sea is sprinkled with oil ? 

Is it, as Aristotle says, a that the wind, slipping over 

° Perhaps in the lost Problems. Cf. Ps.-Aristotle, Pro- 
blemata, 961 a 24, Problemata Inedita, iii. 29. 47 Bussemaker. 

177 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

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rats oifjeoL Siavyetav /cat Kavrafydveiav StSovres. 

*H <f)VO€l [JL€V eOTL (f)0}T€LVOS V7TO OepjJLOTTJTOS 6 

rfj daXdrrrj /cara/xe/zty/xeVos drjp, yiverai Se ra- 
paxQels dvco/xaXos /cat GKLwSrjs' orav ovv ttjv dvco- 
B jitaAtav imXedvrj irvKVOTryri to eXaiov, aVoAa/x/JdVet 
ttjv ofiaXorrjra /cat ttjv Stavyetav ; 



ir 

Ata fi xet/xaVos 1 pbdXXov rj depovs rd twv dXteajv 
arjTTerai St/crua, /catrot rd y d'AAa /xaAAov iv rep 
depei tovto 7raa^et; 

1 77 added by later mss. 2 tovto] later mss. add (xev. 

3 iavrrjv Psellus : avTrjv. 

a Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 234 ; Oppian, Hal. v. 638 if. ; 
Plutarch, De Primo Frigido, 950 b, where a different explana- 
tion is given : the oil contains much air (hence its lightness), 
which provides the transparency. 

6 Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 696 a, 702 b. This explanation 
applies particularly to the submarine phenomenon. The 
" density " of the oil means that it has no interstices, into 
which the sea could enter to mingle with it ; therefore the 
sea, the earthiness and irregularity of which had provided 
the impediment to vision, is pushed aside by the oil. 

178 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XII-XIII, 914-915 

the smoothness so caused, makes no impression and 
raises no swell ? 

Or does this plausibly explain the external pheno- 
mena only ? They say that when divers take oil into 
their mouths and blow it out in the depths , a they get 
illumination and can see through the water. Surely 
it is impossible to adduce slipping of the wind as the 
cause there ? Consider then whether the oil does not 
by reason of its density push and force aside the sea, 
which is earthy and irregular b : subsequently when 
it flows back to its former position and draws to- 
gether, intermediate passages are left in it, which 
offer transparency and clear visibility to the organs 
of sight. 

Or does the air that is mixed with the sea, although 
naturally full of light, owing to its warmth, become 
uneven and shadowy if disturbed ? c So when the oil 
with its density smoothes out the unevenness of sur- 
face, the air regains its regularity and its transparency. 



XIII 

Why do fishermen's nets rot more in winter than in 
summer, although other things are more affected in 
this way in summer ? 

c This explanation appears to apply primarily to the effect 
of oil upon the surface {imXeaivrj) ; its " density " being 
resistant to the swelling of waves, it forces the sea, and with 
the sea the contained air, to " lie flat " ; smooth water (and 
" smooth air ") is more transparent than rough. Psellus ap- 
pears to have found the sentence obscure, for he rewrites it 
completely. He agrees, however, with the above interpreta- 
tion in two points, (a) that oil on the surface is meant, (6) that 
" evenness has to do with flatness. 

179 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(915) Horepov, o>9 ®e6(f)paoTos oierai, rep ifivxpco to 
OepfAov viroxojpovv avrLTrepuGrarai /cat deppborepa 

7TOL€L TO. €V j8d#£t TTJS daXoLTTrjS, 0)07T€p TT\S yr)S ,* 

Std /cat Ta irqyaia rwv vSdrwv ^AtapajTepa T °v 
Xeificovos etcrt 1 /cat pidWov drpLL^ovotv at Atjitvat /cat 
ol TTorapiOL' /caTa/cAet'erat yap et? fiaOos rj OeppLorrjs 
vtto rod ifjvxpov Kpar^oavros . 

*H afjifjis fxev ovk eon ra)v Slktvojv, otclv Se <£pt- 
£77 Kal Trayfj Std to i/jvxos dva£r)paiv6fjL€va, /cat 2 0pu- 
C TTTopbeva (jl&AAov vtto rod kAvScdvos, crryi/ret Tt 3 /cat 
/xuSryaet 7rdo-^€t Trapa7rXr]oiov; /cat yap novel {i&X- 
Xov iv Kpvei, KadoiTrep ra vevpa ovvretvofjieva, /cat 4 
OTrapdrrerai TrXeovaKis , iKraparropbevrjs Std rdv ^et- 
jjicova rrjs daXdrrrjs' Std /cat orvcfrovoiv avrd rat? 
jSa^ats* /cat irvKvovoiy (^o^ovfievoL rds dvaXvcreis, 
€7Tet /XT7 jSa^eVra /zr/Se ^pta^eVra fiaXXov dv eXdv- 
dave tovs Ix^vs' evdepov yap to rod Xivov ^poj/xa 
/cat aTrar^Adv ev daXdrrrj. 

IA 

Atd Tt Aojptet? evxovrai kolktjv x^P T0V orvyKopu- 
Srjv; 

T H /ca/cd>9 jitev ovyKopLL^erai x°P T °s vopievos; 
KonreraL yap ov £r]pds dXXd xXojpos, coore arjTrerai 

1 €tat] eVrt Bernardakis. 

2 ? omit /cat or read ipvxos, ava^aiv6fi€va kcu, cf. 610 d 
(Reiske); but see [Aristotle], De Col. 794 b 29-34. 

3 Tt Pohlenz : nvl. 

4 Kal added by F. H. S. 

180 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XIII-XIV, 915 

Is it, as Theophrastus supposes,* 1 that the warmth, 
retreating before the cold, is concentrated and makes 
the depths of the sea warmer, like the interior of the 
earth ? b Hence spring-waters, too, are warmer in 
the winter, and pools and rivers exhale more vapour, 
because the warmth is shut up in the depths by the 
cold, which has overcome it. 

Or is it that the nets do not rot, but when they 
become stiff and hard, being desiccated by the cold, 
are also more frayed by the waves and suffer much as 
they would by rotting and clammy decay ? They are 
in fact subject to more wear in frosty weather, being 
strained, like cords made of sinew, and they are torn 
more frequently, as the sea is rough through the wintry 
weather. That is indeed the reason why men shrink 
them by the use of dyes and so make them more 
solid, fearing that they will come to pieces ; they 
would be less noticed by the fish if they were not 
dyed or tinted, since the natural colour of the net is 
like that of air and is deceptive in the sea. 

XIV 

Why do the people of Doris d pray for a bad bring- 
ing in of hay ? 

Is this the answer ? Hay is badly brought in if it is 
rained on ; it is cut when green, not when dry, so 

a Frag. 163 Wimmer. 

b Cf. Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 41 a 11. 

c Cf. Aristotle, Meteorologica, 348 b 2 ; Cicero, De Nat. 
Deor. ii. 25 ; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. 13. 2 (=Strato, fr. 89 
Wehrli). 

d It is more probable that this means the inhabitants of 
Doris, a small state between Thessaly and Boeotia, than all 
the Doric-speaking Greeks. 

181 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

j\ raxv Stdfipoxos yevofievos* vdfievos Se npo rov 
Oepovs 6 gltos fiorjdeLTai 7rpos ra depfia kclI votlcl 
7TV€Vfjbara' ravra yap ovk id 7TVKva>dfjvai ovvLord- 
fievov iv roj OTayyi rov Kaprrov, aAA' i^LorrjoL kcll 
Sta^et 1 rfj depjJLorrjTi rr)v tttj^lv, av pur) fiefipeypLevrjs 
rrjs yrjs vyporrjs irapapLzvrj i/jv^ovaa kcll votll^ovocl 
rov ardxvv. 

IE 

Ata ri Trvpo(f>6pos r) ttlojv kcll fiadela x^pa, KpL- 
0o(f>6pos Se fidXXov r) Xeirroyeais ; 

*H on rtov aTrepfidrojv rd loxvpd irXeiovos rpo- 
<f)fjs SetTat ra 8' dodevrj Xerrrrj^ kcll iXa$>pds, do0e~ 
viorepov S 5 r) Kpidr) kcll pLavorepov 2 * odev ov <f>epei 
rrjv 7ToXXr)v Tpo<f>r)v koll fSapelav; pbaprvpel Se rep 
E Xoycp tovtoj rov 3 irvpov rov rpLpirjvov iv tols vtto- 
^rjpois (f)V€cr6ai fiiXriov, dvoororepov ovtcl kcll rpo- 
</)fjs iXdrrovos Seo/xevov Sto /cat ovvreXeiTai rdx^ov. 

i£ 

Ata Tt Xeyerat, tl alrov iv 7T7]Xo) <f)VT€V€* rr)v Se 
KpiOrjv iv Kovet " ; 

UorepoVy cos elprjKafjLev, 6 fiev Svvarcu TrXeiovos 
Tpo<f>r)s KaraKparelv r) 8' ov (frepei to 7ToXv /cat kcltcl- 
kXvl^ov; 

*H 7TVKVOS 0)V 6 TTVpOS KCLL £vXa)$T]S (f)V€TCLL /Je'A- 

1 8iax€L Bernardakis : Sta^e'ci a Psellus. 
2 fiavorepov Duebner : fiavcorepov. 

3 rov added by F. H. S. (or read rov for tovtcd). 

4 <f>vT€ve Bergk : <j>vt€V€t€. (jyvreveiv one late ms. 

182 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XIV-XVI, 915 

that it rots quickly if it gets soaked. But a fall of 
rain on the wheat and barley before the summer 
helps against the hot southerly winds, which do not 
allow the grain to grow firm as it forms in the ear, but 
by their warmth inhibit or reverse the hardening pro- 
cess, unless the earth has been soaked so that there is 
lasting moisture to keep the ears cool and damp. 

XV 

Why does rich deep soil bear wheat, while thin soils 
are better for barley ? a 

Is it because strong seeds need more plentiful food, 
while weak ones need thin light nourishment, and 
barley is weaker and more open in texture than 
wheat, so that it will not stand plentiful or heavy 
food ? This suggestion is supported by the fact that 
the three-month variety of wheat, b which gives a 
lower yield and so needs less food, grows better in 
dryish soils. For the same reason it also matures 
sooner. 

XVI 

Why is there a saying, " Plant wheat in mud, but 
barley plant in dust " ? c 

Is it, as I have already said, that wheat can master 
more food, while barley will not stand a plenty that 
swamps it ? 

Or does wheat, being solid and woody, grow better 

a Cf. Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, viii. 9. 1. 

6 Spring-sown wheat, taking 3 months from sowing to 
harvest, see Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, viii. i. 4. 

c Diehl, Anth. Lyrica, ii, Carmina Popularia, C 16 ; cf 
Cato, Be Agricultural 34-35. 

183 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(915) tlov iv vypoo pbaXarropievos kcll ^aAco/xevos:, 1 rfj 8e 
xpidfj Sta fiavorr^ra ov\L$opov iv dpxfj to £rjpo- 
repov; 

H Sia depjjLOTrjra ovpLfierpos kcli dj3Xaf3rjs r\ Kpd- 
gls, xfjvxporepov 8' rf Kpidrj; 

*H (f)oj3ovvTaL rcov irvptov iv £?}pcp rpifirjv* Si,a 
F rovs /jLvpfJLrjKas, evdvs yap iTnridevrar rds 8e Kpi- 

6aS fJTTOV (fxEpOVTCU, SvcrfidoTaKTOL ydp €1(76 Kdl 

hvoTTapaKopLiaroi Sta fieyeOos; 
IZ 

Ata ri rcov dppevcov ittttcov jxaXXov fj tlov drjXeicov 
rds rpL)(as els rrjv op/judv XafifidvovcFi ; 

TLorepov, cos rocs dXXois to dppev rov OrjXeos 
fjiipecjL, kclI reus Opt^lv evrovcorepov ioriv; 
916 H fiaXXov Sid to ovpov olovrai rds rpixas rcov 
drjXeLcov Ppe^ofJiivas ylveaOai xe^povas ; 

IH 

Aia ri revdls $aivo\iivr\ orjiieiov ion jxeyaXov x €L ~ 
fjicovos; 

1 xaAaj/uei'o?, cf. 967 d] xv^ovpievos Doehner, with later re- 
dactions of Psellus, cf. 700 b, where, however, perhaps ^a- 
\aaiv should be read for ^uAwcrtv. 

2 S* 97 late mss. : Se. 

3 rcov 7TVpa>v . . . rpifirjv F. H. S. : rov irvpov . . . Tpificw 
(a7T€ip€Lv Amyot, ? dcpl^tv Pohlenz). 

Cf. Theophrastus, De Causis Plant, ii. 9. 7 : et ns irdpa 
X<*>P a roiavriqv e^et ttjv Kpaoiv wore av/jL/JLerpov cVStSovat Tr)v 
Tpo<j>rjv. Wheat, being warm (cf. Quaest. Conviv. 697 c), 
welcomes the coldness of a wet soil (cf. ibid. 648 c : (/>iX60€pfi6v 
184 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XVI-XVIII, 915-916 

in damp conditions, where it becomes softer and less 
firm, while drier conditions at the start are beneficial 
to barley, because of its more open texture ? 

Or is the composition (of the damp soil) suitably- 
proportioned and harmless to the wheat because of 
(the wheat's) warmth, while barley is colder ? a 

Or are people afraid of damage to their wheat in 
dry ground due to the ants which immediately attack 
it, whereas they are less given to plundering barley, 
the grains being difficult to lift and transport because 
of their size ? b 

XVII 

Why do people take the hairs of male horses rather 
than mares to make fishing-lines ? c 

Is it the case that the male has more strength than 
the female in the hairs as well as in other parts ? 

Or rather is it believed that the mares' hairs be- 
come inferior through being wetted by their staling ? 



XVIII 

Why does the appearance of the calamary d herald 
a great storm ? 

ioTi to t/ivxpov koX </>iA6i)jvxpov to Oepfiov). For the coldness of 
barley cf. Hippocrates, ftcpt Siam^, 40. 

6 The preference of ants for wheat is referred to also by 
Michael Glycas, Annales, i, p. 62 (118 Bekker) : 6 /jlvp/jltj^ 
ini tov otolxvv avepxofAtvos 6o<f>paLv€Tai, Kai iav Kpidrf, (frevyei air 9 

aVTOV KoX CTTL TOV TOV GLTOV OTO.XW €/[)^6Tat. 

c Cf. Be Sollertia Animalium, 977 a. The hairs of the 
tail are in question. 

d Loligo vulgaris, D'A. W. Thompson, A Glossary of 
Greek Fishes, p. 260. 

185 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(916) H iravra <f>va€i rc\ fiaXaKia Svapiya Std yvfivo- 
rrjra rfjs oapKos kcll i/jLXorrjra, \ir\r oarpaKco purjTe 
Septan fJLTjre Aem'St OK€7TOfi€vr]s dAA' ivros ixovar]S 

TO GKXrjpOV KCLL 6oT€Q)8€S, 8l6 Kdl K€kXt)TCLL fJLOL- 

XaKia; tolxv 8rj TTpoaiaddveraL 8l evTrddeiav rod 
X^l/jlcovos' odev 6 fiev ttoXvttovs els yrjv dvarpix^ 1 
/cat rcov TTerpihloov aWtAa/xjSai/o/zei'os' orjjjbeLOV iart 
B TrvevpLaros oaov ovttoj Trapovros, rj 8e revdls ££dX- 
Xerai, <f)evyovoa to i/jvxos kcll rrjv iv fiddei rapaxty 
rfjs 6aXdrrr]S' kcll yap e^ei fJidXiora rcov [jlclXclklcov 

€vdpV7TTOV KCLL CLTTaXoV TO OCLpKCoSeS * 



ie 

Ata tl ttjv xpocLV 2 6 ttoXvttovs itjaXXdrreL ; 

Horepov, cos Qeocfrpaoros opero, SetAdV ecrrt <f>v- 
o€L £,opov; otclv ovv TCLpaxOfj, rp€Tr6jji€vov ra> TTvev- 
ficLTL ovfJL/JLerapdXXeL to ^poj/xa, Kaddirrep dvOpcoTros' 

Slo KCLL XeXeKTOLL 

rod fiev ydp re kolkov rpiireraL XP^S* 

1 dvarpc^ct] ? dvarpexoiv. 
2 xpoav Bernardakis : x/>o«xi>. 

° i.e. soft things. 

6 Cf. Aelian, Historia Animalium, v. 41. Perhaps emend 
to mean " if the octopus beats a retreat to land and grasps 
small rocks, that is a sign, etc." 

c Cf. Oppian, Hal. i. 432 (to escape its enemies), iii. 166 ; 
Aelian, Historia Animalium, ix. 52 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ix. 84. 
The calamary is also a sign of storm in a doubtful passage of 
Theophrastus (?), Tempest. 40. 

d Its bony processes are smaller than those of the cuttle- 
fish but not than those of the octopus. Aristotle says (De 
Part. Animal. 678 b 32) that its body is softer. 

186 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XVIII-XIX, 916 

Are we to say that all cephalopods (malaria) a are 
naturally susceptible to cold because of the bareness 
and nakedness of their flesh, which is not covered by 
any shell, skin, or scale, but has its hard and bony 
members inside (this is indeed the reason why they 
are named malacia) ? So they quickly become aware 
of the impending storm, owing to their sensitiveness. 
Hence the octopus beats a retreat to the land and, 
grasping small rocks, is a sign of an imminent gale, 6 
while the calamary leaps out of the sea, in an attempt 
to escape the cold and the disturbance in the depths c : 
it has, in fact, fleshy parts that are more easily 
broken and more tender than those of any other 
cephalopoda 

XIX 

Why does the octopus change its colour ? 

Is it, as Theophrastus imagined, e that it is by nature 
a cowardly animal ? So when it is agitated, it under- 
goes a change by the action of its pneuma f and simul- 
taneously alters its colour, just as a human being 
does — hence the phrase 

For the coward's colour changes. ° 

e Frag. 188 Wimmer. On the origins of this question and 
the answers here given see introd. p. 136 

f Theophrastus follows the Aristotelian view according to 
which an animal's foxy, " soul," imparts movement and 
change to its body by an intermediate wcS/ia, a word for 
which there is no satisfactory English equivalent. Pneuma 
is air in movement, similar to the breath in the lungs, which 
has the same name. Fear is an event in the soul of the 
octopus ; the change of colour is a bodily change ; the 
pneuma set in motion by the soul causes the change in the 
body. 

Homer, Iliad, xiii. 279. 

187 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(916) "H TOVTO 7TpOS rrjv LL€Taf5oXr)v TTidavajs AeAeKTai 
TTpos 8e rrjv €^ollolojglv ovx lkclvcos ; jLterajSaAAct yap 
ovtojs, ware rrjv XP° av a *s ®- v ^XrjaLd^r) Trirpais 

OLLOLOVV TTpOS O KCLL HivSapOS €7Toir)0€ 

ttovtlov drjpos 1 ^pcart- pudXiara voov 
C 7Tpoo(j>epojv 2 Trdaats ttoXUgglv o/u'Aet, 3 

kcll ©eoyvLs 

TTOvXvTToSoS VOOV td^e 7ToXv)(p6oV, OS 7TOTL 7T€Tprj, 

rfj TrpoaoLiLXfjcrr),* toZos I8etv icfrdvrj. 

TOVTO 8rj KCLL TOVS TTCLVOVpyLCL KCLL SeLVOTTjTL V7T€p- 
<f)€pOVTCLS ^X €lV T ° €7TlT'q8€VIJLa XeyovoLV , OJS V7T€p 

rod Xa6elv kcll 8Lacf>vy€LV toZs 5 TrXrjaLov eavTovs get 6 
a7T€iK:a£eiv *** 7 7toXvtto8l; fj Kaddirep iodrJTL ttj 
XPocl voiiltpvoL xpTJv8ai>> Pcl8lcos ovtojs fj jSouAerat 

LL€T€v8v6lI€VOV ; 

*Ap* ovv TTjv fiev apxty clvtos €v8l8ojgl tov 77a- 
6ovs 8eioas» tol 8e KvpLa rfjs atrias iv clXXols €(Jtl; 
D okott€l 8rj, kclt 5 EjLt77€8ofcAea yvovs otl 

TrdvTtov elcrlv aTroppoal oacr' iyevovTO* 

ov yap c^ojcuv llovov ov8e cf)VTCov ov8e yrjs kcll 
daXdrrrjs , dXXd koll XlOcov aTreLOLV evSeAe^cDs 1 77oAAa 

pevpLCLTCL KCLL ^aAfCOW KCLL OL8r)pOW KCLL ydp <f)d€Lp€TCLL 

1 drjpos] 6r)p6s TTcrpalov Pindar. 

2 TTpoo<f)4pojv Stephanus : npocfrepwv. 

3 ofiiXei Pindar : ofiiXet. 

4 TrpoooixiXrjori Duebner : 7rpoaopLi\r]o€L. irep opLiXi/jor} 978 e. 

5 tols Hartman : tous. 
6 act perhaps rightly deleted by Pohlenz as a dittography. 

188 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XIX, 916 

Or is this, although a plausible explanation of the 
change, insufficient to account for the assimilation of 
the colour ? For the octopus changes in such a way 
as to make its colour similar to that of whatever rocks 
it is close to. It was with reference to this that 
Pindar wrote 

Matching most in mind the sea-beast's complexion, 
Take in every town your place, a 

and Theognis 

Acquire the mind of the many-coloured octopus, 
That looks to the eye like the rock on which it settles. h 

Men say, of course, that outstandingly crafty and 
cunning persons also make this their practice ; in 
order to avoid being discovered or noticed they always 
model themselves on their neighbours. (But what do 
they suppose to be the mechanism of change) in the 
octopus ? Or do they imagine that it treats its colour 
like a garment, just easily making a change of clothes 
as it wishes ? 

Is the truth this, that although the creature itself 
initiates the effect by feeling fright, the determining 
factor in the causation lies elsewhere ? Just apply to 
the consideration of the problem the recognition that 
there are, as Empedocles wrote, " emanations from 
all things that ever were/' c Many streams of par- 
ticles continuously leave not only animals and plants, 
earth and sea, but also stones and bronze and iron. 

° Frag. 43. Quoted again, De Sollertia Animalium, 978 e. 
6 215-216. Quoted again, De Sollertia Animalium, 978 e 
and De Amicorum Multitudine, 96 f. 

c Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsokr. i. 31 b 89. 

7 Lacuna marked by F. H. S. 

189 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(916) Trdvra /cat oScoSe rep pelv del tl /cat cjtepeaOcu 1 
avvexcbs* /cat yap e'A^ets 2 rj €7TL7T7]8rjO€is ttolovoi 
rats aTToppoiais, ol pcev eparXoKas avrcov ol 8e 
7r\r)yas ol 8' ojoeis nvds /cat TrepieXevoeis* vttoti6£- 
fievoi. fidXtora Se rcov irapdXcov Trerpcov eirippai- 
vopb€vcov /cat iftrjxopLevcov* vtto rfjs daXdrrrjs dirUvai 
fi€pr) /cat dpavapbara 77oAAd /cat Xenrd (yopnoTiov) 
E ovvexcos, a r(ot9 pbev 'dXyXois ov Trpooiipx^Tai) 
GWfia(cnvy dXXd XavOdvei 5 irepioXiaQdvovra rcov 

TTVKVOT€pOVS €XOVTCOV TTOpOVS Tj St€/C0€Ol>Ta TCOV jLta- 

vorepovs* 6 Se ttoXvttovs tt\v re adpKa TrpoatSetv 
avrodev dv6pr)VLO)87]s /cat TToXvrropos /cat Se/CTt/cos 1 
drroppoicov ionv, orav Se Set'077, rco TtvevpLari rpe- 

7TOpL€VOS /Cat Tp€7TCOV OLOV €G(f>iy^€ TO OCOpLa /Cat 

avvrjyayev, coots rrpoohex^odai /cat ore'yetv eVt- 
7to Xrjs rds rcov eyyvs diroppoias. /cat yap rj 
rpaxvTTjs fierd rfjs pLaXaKorrjros eSp*? 7 irapexovaa 

TOIS i7Tl<f)€popL€VOlS fJL€p€GL, pLTj CrK€8aVVVpL€V0LS aAA' 

1 <f>epeaOai Wyttenbach : <j>OeipeoBai. 

2 lAf eis\ in a the A is in an erasure of 3 letters. 

3 nepieXevaeis] nepieXdoeis Doehner. 

4 0wo/*€vct>v Wyttenbach : i/jvxofievcov. 

6 Trie writer of a left a large space after Xem-d, beginning a 
new line with XavOdvei. Planudes made supplements in his 
own hand as follows (a dot indicates space for one letter) : 

(Xeirrd) avvex&S dr Xois ov itpoae 

o&fjLd dXXd (XavOdvei), cf. Wegehaupt, Philologus, lxxiii (1914- 
1916), p. 247. The text printed is mostly due to Anon. 3 
(Turnebus). 

6 fiavorepovs Duebner : p,avo)repovs» 

7 eSpas F. H. S., cf. 1005 d : lAt/ca?. 

a Cf. Theophrastus, De Sensu, c. 20 (of Empedocles) : el 17 
<f>0i(jis Sid ttjv diTOpporiv . . . avfxpaivei 8e koi rds ocrpids aTroppofj 
yiveoOai. 

190 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XIX, 916 

Indeed everything that decays or gives off a smell 
does so because something is always streaming away 
and leaving it. a (Furthermore, it is by emanations 
that men explain the phenomena of attraction or 
jumping (seen in magnetism), some supposing " en- 
tanglements," others "impacts," others "impulsions " 
and * * circumventions . ' ') b Now it is particularly likely 
that many minute particles are continually detached 
from rocks by the sea-shore as they are sprayed and 
fretted by the sea ; these fragments do not adhere to 
the bodies of any animal but the octopus : they 
either slip off the surface of those that have narrower 
pores or pass quickly through those that have more 
open ones, and in neither case can they be seen. The 
octopus, however, has a flesh which is obviously 
honeycombed in appearance and full of pores and so 
receptive of emanations ; when it is frightened, it 
undergoes a change in its pneuma and effects one by 
it, c tightening, so to speak, and contracting its body, 
so as to harbour on its surface the emanations from 
near-by objects without allowing them to penetrate 
it. d And indeed its combination of roughness with 
softness, by offering places of lodgement to the par- 
ticles that settle on it, which do not disperse but 

6 A piece of iron attracted to a magnet may be regarded as 
pulled to it or jumping to it {cf. Quaent. Plat. 1005 b). 
Empedocles' explanation of magnetic attraction (Diels- 
Kranz, Frag, der Vorsokr. i. 31 a 89) was that emanations 
from the magnet push the air away from the pores in the iron, 
releasing emanations which flow to the magnet and draw the 
iron with them. Democritus (Diels-Kranz, ii. 68 a 165) and 
Epicurus (Usener, Epicurea, p. 208) supposed it to be due to 
some entanglement of emanations. 

e Cf. Be Sera Numinis Vindicta, 565 c : rrjs fox^s rpeno- 
liivTjS V7TO tcjv iraBojv /cat rpeirovcrrjs to awfia. 

d Cf. De Amicorum Multitudine, 96 f. 

191 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(916) adpoc^ofJievoLS Kal TTpoofxevovot, ovyxp(^(X^ a ^ aL °^"* 
F Stoat) tt]v €7TL(j)d(y€Lav €is ojjLOLoyrrjra (rcov ire- 
rpcjv)} TeKfjLrjpLov 8e rfjs air Las fxeya to fxrjre tovtov 
tt&giv 2 i^ofJLoiovadai tols ttXtjolov jjltjt€ tov ^a/xat- 
Xeovra tols XevKots %pco/xacrtv, dAAa fiovois efca- 
r€pov, &v rats anoppo icus Tropovs avpLfierpovs 
exovaiv. 

K 

Ata tlv alriav to tojv aypiojv ovcov SaKpvov rj8v 
to 8e twv iXd(f)OJV dXpivpov ioTL Kal <f>avXov; 

917 Atria 8e OeppLOTrjs Kal if/vxpoTrjs tovtojv, Kal iftv- 

XpW ^ v O €.Xa<f)OS TTtpldepiAOV he KOI 7TVpto8€S 6 

ovs' odev to jiev </)€vy€i to 8' dfjLVV€Tai tovs in- 
tovTas, ot€ Kal fidXiOTa Sta tov Ovpiov eK^aXXet to 
8aKpvov 7roXXrjs yap em t<z ojLt/xara deppLOTTjTOS 

(f>€p0pL€V7]Sy OJS € LpTJT ai 

(fypi^as ev Xocfrirjv, irvp 6$QaX\LoXoi 8e8opKa)S, 

yXvKV yiVerat to aTTOTr\KO[ievov \ 

"Eviot oe (f>aocv, coorrep ydXaKTOs oppov* tov 
alpiaTos TapaxOtvTos eKKpoveodai to 8aKpvov, d)S 
'E^cSo/cAt^. €77€t TOIVVV Tpaxv* Kal [leXav TO 
tcjv Kairpojv alpua 8id OepfjLOTTjTa Xztttov 8e Kal 

1 The writer of a left a space for 17-18 letters between avv 
Xpa> and T€Kfir}piov, which begins a line. Planudes added 

(XP<*>) TTjv cm <f>a. . .rrjTa, but ttjtol is in the margin. 

€TTL(f>dv€iav later mss., els o/LtotoTiyra Anon. (Amyot). ovyxpd)- 
i^eodcu hioaxji and tcDv Trcrpwv F. H. S. avyxpovv 6l7T€ pyd^er ai 
tt)v ein<f)dveiav tols iyy vrara Wyttenbach. 

2 TTQ.GW Jannot : irdox^v. 3 oppov a corr. : opov. 

4 rpaxv] naxv Wyttenbach, cf. Aristotle, Meteor. 384 a 14, 
26, De Part. Animal. 648 a 3. 

192 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XIX-XX, 916-917 

collect and remain in position, causes its surface to be 
coloured so as to resemble the rocks. A strong piece 
of evidence in favour of this explanation is that this 
creature does not take on a likeness to all neighbour- 
ing objects any more than the chamaeleon does to 
pale colours a : both take a likeness to those things 
only with whose emanations their pores are commen- 
surate. 

XX 

For what reason are the tears of wild boars sweet 
while those of deer are salty and ordinary ? b 

Heat and cold are the cause of these facts : the 
deer is a cold creature and the boar a very hot and 
fiery one c ; hence the former runs away from those 
that attack it, while the latter defends itself against 
them, and it is then above all that it sheds its tears in 
rage. A great quantity of heat then passes into its 
eyes — 

Raising the bristles of his back, glancing fire from his eyes, d 

as it has been put — and the moisture that melts from 
the eye becomes sweet. e 

But some, for example Empedocles/ say that tears 
are expelled from the blood when it is agitated, just 
as whey is from milk. Now as the blood of boars is 
rough and dark-coloured because of their heat, while 

° Nor to red, Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 122. 

6 At Quaest. Conviv. 700 f this question is mentioned as 
being notoriously unsolved. 

c Cf. Xenophon, Cynegeticus, x. 17, who says that the 
boar singes the hair of dogs that attack it. 

d Homer, Odyssey, xix. 446. 

• Cf. 913 b above for the idea that heat destroys salt. 

i Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 a 78. 

vol. xi H 193 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(917) 

t> vSapes to rd>v iXdcjxjov, eiKorcos /cat to airoKpivo- 

fievov iv rocs dvfJLols kolI toIs (frofiois eKarepov 

TOIQVTOV. 

KA 

Ata ri ro)v va>v at pcev yjfiepoL rrXeovaKis tiktovgl 
/cat kolt aXXov a'AAat xpovov ', at 8' aypiai /cat aVacf 
/cat rrepl rag avras aVaaat cr^eSov rjfjLepas; avrcu 
8' elalv apxofJLevov depovg- Sto /cat AeAe/crat 

fJLrjK€TL VVKTOS V€IV , fj K€V T€KTj dypOTepTj 1 OVS . 

^H Sta 7rXrj9os rpo(f>fjs, ojs 2 ovtojs " iv TrXrjcrfjLovfj 
KviTptg " ; a<f)6ovia yap rpoc/yfjs to yovi\iov Trepir- 
TO>/xa TTotet /cat (j>vrols /cat ^ojols' at jxev ovv aypiai 
St' avrcjv /cat fierd <f>6^ov rrjv rpo(f>r]v fyrovoL, rats 
8' rjpbepois virapxei Sta ttclvtos rj fiev avrocf)vrjs rj 8' 
e/c 7rapaorK€vfjs. 
C H to T779 axoXrjs /cat dcr^oAta? a/xa ovvr\[i\iivov ; 3 
at jitev ya/> apyovat,, fir) fiovXofJLevcu rroppco irXava- 

1 dyporepr) later mss. : ayporipa* 

2 cos added by F. H. S., alii alia. 

3 avvr)fifi€vov F. H. S. : av/xfievov. ovfi,patvov one late ms., edd. 

a Aristotle, Meteorologies 384 a 26 says that the blood of 
deer is cold and watery ; that of boars is fibrous and co- 
agulates {Be Part, Animal. 651 a 2). 

6 Or " be like its blood in quality." 

c Does Plutarch mean that they farrow once only in their 
life or once a year ? The latter is the view of Michael Glycas, 
Annates, i, p. 62 (119 Bekker) and of [Aristotle], Problemata 
Inedita, ii. 152 Bussemaker. It is unlikely that Plutarch 
believed that domesticated sows farrow several times a year : 
according to Glycas they have two litters, and it is only by 
very early weaning that modern pig-keepers obtain three. 
But [Aristotle] also uses the word TrXeovaias of the domestic 
sow with reference to the annual number of litters (ii. 141), so 

194 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XX-XXI, 917 

that of deer is thin and watery , a it is reasonable that 
the secretion from each animal in its rages or fears 
should also be such as it is. b 



XXI 

Why do domesticated sows farrow more than once 
and some at one season, others at another, whereas 
wild sows farrow once only and almost all during the 
same period of days ? c This period is at the begin- 
ning of the summer, whence the verse 

No longer to rain on the night when the wild sow farrows. d 

Are we to say that it is due to a plentiful supply of 
food, it being really true that " in surfeit Love is 
found " ? e It is abundance of food that produces 
the generative residue both in plants and in animals. 
Now wild sows search for their food for themselves, 
and that in fear, while domestic sows have it per- 
petually at hand, in part growing naturally, and in 
part prepared for them. 

Or (should we adduce) the effect of idleness or con- 
stant occupation in simultaneous association with the 
cause just suggested ? Domestic sows are lazy, with 

that it must be capable of meaning merely " more than 
once." 

d R. Stromberg, Greek Proverbs, p. 91. Author unknown ; 
possibly the line quoted at Be Primo Frigido, 949 b, is from 
the same source. Plutarch does nothing to answer the 
second half of his question, namely why all the wild sows 
farrow at the same time. 

• Nauck, Trap. Graec. Frag., Euripides, frag. 895 (eV 77A77- 
ofiovfj rot Kv7rpis, iv tt€ivcovtl 8' ov), cited again at De Tuenda 
Sanitate, 126 c. The words are quoted in Ps.- Aristotle, Pro- 
blemata, 896 a 24, with reference to this problem of the wild 
sow's relative infertility. 

195 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(917) adcu tcov ov<f)opf5cov, at 8' opetjSaroucrat /cat irepi- 
Oeovoou rrjv Tpo^rjv oia<f>opovoi /cat /caravaAtcr/cou- 
aiv els to atojjia 7rdoav y coots Sta 1 to del ovvTelvew 2 
firj ylveoO at 7repiTTC0fJLa. 

H /cat to ovvTpe<f)€o9ai /cat ovvayeXd^eoOat tcl 
OtfXea toZs dppeoiv dvdjjLvrjoiv troiel tcov d<f>pooiolcov 
/cat cruvc/c/caAetrat ttjv ope^iv (cos €7r' dvdpcoircov 
'EifiTreooKXrjs erroirjoe 

Tip 8* errl /cat ttoOos etcrt 3 St' oifsios* a/z/zt/xv^cT/ccov 5 ), 

ev 8e Tots' dypiois, d7TOTpo<f>ois ovolv dWrjXcov, to 
doTopyov /cat ovoeiriyLiKTOv dfifiXvvei /cat dvao/Sev- 
vucjt 6 tcxs op fids; 

*H /cat to Acyojuevov U7r' 'ApiOTOTeXovs dXrjdes 

D eOTLV, OTt " ^AoWTJV " ^OfMTJpOS cbv6fJLCLO€ OVV TOV 

[lovopxw; 7 tcov yap TrXeioTCov cfrrjol TTpooKVcojievcov 
tols OTeXexeot 6pv7TTeo9cu tovs op^ets". 

1 8td later mss. : rj otd. 

2 avvreiveiv Doehner : avvetvai rj. ? ware fxr) ylvtoBai rrepLr- 
To>ua. 77 8td to act awetvat #cal to ovvTpifeadai ktA. (after 
Wyttenbach). 

3 o' eVt .... €tot Karsten : hi n. . . €*t€. 

4 St* o^rtos Wyttenbach (ofcos Anon. (Amyot)) : Std we^ews. 

5 dft/it/ivija/cwv Diels : dfifiioycov. 

6 dvaajSo'vuori] dVoajSeWvot Bernardakis. ? ivairoofSivvvoi Hu- 
bert. 

7 fiovopxiv some later mss. : fiovopxyv. 

196 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXI, 917 

no desire to wander far from their swineherds, whereas 
the wild ones climb up and down mountain-sides and 
run about, thus dissipating the whole of their food 
and using it up entirely on maintaining the body, so 
that as a result of their continual exertions no residue 
is formed. 

Or does the further fact that the females are fed 
and herded along with the males remind them of sex, 
and provoke desire on both sides (so Empedocles 
wrote, referring to human beings, 

And longing will come upon him, reminded as he sees) ? a 

In wild pigs, on the other hand, which feed apart 
from one another, unsociability and lack of affection 
dull and extinguish their impulses. 

Or is what Aristotle says also true, that Homer b 
gives the name of chhunes to the boar that has only 
one testicle ? c He states that the testicles of most 
get crushed through their scratching themselves on 
tree-stumps. 

° Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 b 64. The restora- 
tion of the text is uncertain. 

6 Homer, Iliad, ix. 539, interpreted by Aristotle, Historia 
Animal. 578 a 33, who explains that young boars are liable 
to a disease that causes itching of the testicles, which they 
consequently damage by scratching on tree-stumps. This 
passage is used by [Aristotle], Problemata Inedita, ii. 142 
Bussemaker, to answer a different question, namely why 
many wild boars are fierce. Other interpretations in an- 
tiquity of x^ovvrjs were numerous, cf. scholia and Eustathius 
ad loc. 

• Aristotle does not suggest, as he is made to do here, that 
only one testicle is destroyed, but uses the word rofilas (cas- 
trated). Nor is there any reason why an animal with one 
testicle should not impregnate the female, cf. Aristotle, De 
Gen. Animal. 765 a 23. But the infertility of horses with one 
testicle is noted in Corpus Hippiatricorum Graec. i, p. 78. 15. 

197 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(917) KB 

Ata ri rrjs dpKrov (f>aal rrjv X e W a yXvKvrdrrjv 
ex €LV adpKa /cat 1 (frayetv rjoLorrjv; 

T H 2 otl to, Trerrovra rrjv rpocfrrjv fidXcara rod 
aoopbaros Trape^et to Kpeas tJSlgtov; nerrei Se 
KaXXcara to hianveov, klvovjjl€vov fidXtara kcli avy- 
yv/JLva^ojJievov, cianep rj dpKros too jxepei tovtco 
rrXelora KiveZrar koll yap obs ttool toZs ifiTrpo- 
gOlols /?aSt£ot>cra XPV TCLL Kai Tp^X ovaa KaL &S 
X^pcrlv aVrtAajLt/Javo/zeV^ . 



E Ata ri Svorl^evros rj tov eapos oopa; 

Ylorepov at Kvves, cos <^y)oiv 'Eju/TreSoKA^s 1 , " Kep- 
/jLara* 0r]p€LOi>v jjieXeoov fJLVKTrjpaw epevvoooai " ras 
diroppoias dvaXajx^dvovaiv , as evaTToXeiTTti rd 
07]pia rfj vXrj, ravras Se rod eapos i^ajxavpovai Kal 
avyx^ovGiv at TrXeiorai rcov cfrvroov Kal roov vXrj- 
fidrcov ooyzat, Kal* vnep rrjv dvOrjatv virepx^opLevai 

1 Kal late mss. : 8c. 2 r] added by late mss. 

3 Kepfiara Anon, in Plat. Theaet. 70. 48 : KCfifiara. rep- 
fjuara 520 r. 

4 Kal added by F. H. S. (at Doehner). 

° This piece of information about bears, like that in Ques- 
tion xxviii, may be derived from personal knowledge. Al- 
though the bear seems not to have been known in Greece 
proper in Xenophon's day (Cynegeticus, xi. 1), it was, perhaps 
owing to depopulation, re-established in that of Pausanias, 
who saw young bears near Patras, vii. 18. 12, and reports 
bears on Panics, i. 32. 1, on Taygetus, iii. 20. 4, and in 
Arcadia, viii. 23. 9. O. Keller, Thieve des classischen 

198 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXII-XXIII, 917 

XXII 

Why do they say that the bear's paw has the 
sweetest flesh and the most delicious to eat ? a 

Are we to say that it is because those parts of the 
body that most concoct their nourishment provide 
the most delicious meat ? And that the best con- 
coction is by what transpires through being most in 
motion and most exercised & ; it is an instance that 
the bear makes more movements with this part than 
with any other. For it uses its fore-paws as feet when 
walking or running and as hands when grasping. 

XXIII 

Why is the season of spring unfavourable for follow- 
ing a trail ? 

Is it that the hounds, 

With muzzles that track the parings of beast's bodies, 

as Empedocles says, c pick up the emanations that the 
animals leave behind them in the brushwood, and that 
in the spring these are quite obscured or confused by 
the very many scents from plants and shrubs, d that 
overflow from the blossom ; these blending scents 

AltherthumSi p. 122, says that bears' paws were a medieval 
delicacy, unknown (!) to the ancients. In the Finnish epic 
Kalevala " with paws sweet as honey " is a stock epithet for 
the bear. 

6 The meaning is dubious and the text not above suspicion. 

c Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 b 101, quoted also 
De Curiositate, 520 f. 

d Cf. Theophrastus, Be Causis Plant, vi. 20. 4 : rov 8' 
fjpos at rojv dvdwv ocr/xcu Trapevox^ovai (sc. the huntsmen). 

199 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(917) kcll Kepavvvjievai TTepicncooi 1 Kal oiarrXavcooL rds 
Kvvas 2 rrjs rajv drjptcov oofirjs imXafieodai ; Slo 

F TT€pl T7]V AlTVTjV €V StACcAtO, </>(l(jl /Z^Scva KVV7]y€LV 

7to\v yap dvacfrveoQai Kal redr]Xivai Si' erovs lov 
opeivov iv rots Xeifitoai, Kal rov tottov evcoBtav del 
Kardxovaav dpTrd^ew rds reov drjptoov dvairvods? 
Xeyerac Se jjlvOos, cos rrjv Koprjv £k€l0€v dvOoXoyov- 
aav 6 UXovtoov d^apirdaeie , Kal Sid rovro rifxcovres 
Kal aefiopLevoi to x^oplov cos davXov ovk eTTiTidevrai 

TOLS €K€l V€fJLOfl€VOlS. 



KA 

Ata ri 7T€pl rds TTavoeXr)vovs r\Kiara rals Ixvooko- 
TTiais €7TtrvyxdvovoLv ; 

*H Sia rrjv elprjfjLevrjv alrlav; Spocro/JdAot yap at 
918 TravoeXrjvoi' Sto Kal rrjv Spooov 6 'AA/c/xav Aids 
dvyarepa Kal HeXr]vr]s 7rpoo€L7T€ iroirjoas 

Aids 0vydrrjp A "Epaa rpecf>€L Kal ZeAava?. 6 

1 TT€pioiT(x>(ji F. H. S. : 7r€pi7roTco(n. alii alia. 

2 Kvvas] ? add firj, but see 711 b acfxtXelrf . . . iXeadai. 

3 07jpl(Dv dvauvods] ? drjpa>vTa)v or amoppoias. 

4 dvydrrfp Duebner : Ovyarep. 

5 TieXdvas Bergk, after Hartung : ceXdvas Bias, perhaps a 
correction of creAa Sia?, a misreading of SEAANAS. The 
unmetrical Bias is absent from Plutarch's other citations of 
the line. 

This version is somewhat forced. An emendation may 
be made, to give the meaning M the nostrils of the hunters 
seize on the fragrance ..." C/. 647 e : oofxal dpna^dfievat, 
rals 6o(f)prja€Gi. 

b Etna, as the place of the rape of Persephon£ (Kore), first 
appears in Moschus, iii. 128. In the Homeric Hymn to 

200 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXIII-XXIV, 917-918 

distract and mislead the hounds, which cannot fasten 
on the scent of the animals ? Hence no one in Sicily, 
so they say, hunts round Etna, since throughout the 
year a great quantity of mountain violet grows and 
flourishes in the meadows, and the fragrance that 
always possesses the place overpowers the exhala- 
tions from the animals. But there is a traditional 
story that Etna was the scene of Pluto's abduction of 
Kore while she was gathering flowers, 6 and because 
of this men honour and reverence that district as a 
sanctuary, and do not attack the animals that range 
there. 

<Or . . .> c 

XXIV 

Why do hunters have least success in following 
tracks at the time of the full moon ? d 

Is it for the aforesaid reason ? e Full moons precipi- 
tate dew, hence Alcman called dew the daughter of 
Zeus and Selene in the line 

Fed by Dew, daughter of Zeus and Selana. / 

Bemeter, 8, Persephone* gathers vapKiaaot, but ta are men- 
tioned by Diodorus Siculus, v. 3. 2, who, like Ps.-Aristotle, 
Be Mir. Aus. 836 b 14, locates their overpowering fragrance 
near Enna. 

c At the end of this question an alternative answer, antici- 
pated by the introductory word irortpov, has been lost. One 
may guess it to have been that dew is frequent in the spring 
and spoils the scent. 

d Cf. Xenophon, Cynegeticus, v. 4 : a^avtjct 8e kclI tJ 
7roAAi7 Spoaos KaTa<f)€povaa avrd (rd tyvr]) • • • ^aX 17 aeXrjvrj dfiav- 
pol tco depfjucp, /LtaAtara 8' orav $ Travoihqvos . 

e The reason has been lost with the end of the previous 
question. 

/ Frag. 43 Diehl, cited again Quaest. Conviv. 659 b and 
Be Facie, 940 a. 

201 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(918) rj yap Spooos dodevrjs eon kcll dSpavrjg ofifipos, 
aodeves 8e kol to rfjs aeArjvrjs depfiov odev eXKei 
fiev ol7t6 yfjs worrep 6 rjXios, dyeiv V els vi[jos pur) 
Svvapbevrj /xt^S' dvaXapifidveiv pLeOirjoLV. 



' KE 

Ata ri to hpooipiov yevopievov Sta rod i/jvxovs 
SvoTtfievrov ; 

Uorepov ore rd drjpla rroppoj rcov koltojv 6k- 

vovvra rrpo'Cevai hid to Kpvos ov iroiel noXXd orj- 

pbela; Slo kcll (f>aow avrd (f)eiheodai rcov ttXtjolov, 

ottcos pir) KCLKOTradfj TrXavwpieva pLCLKpdv rod x €L ~ 

B pttovos aAA' aet 1 eyyvdev exV vepbeodai. 

*H Set pLT] pLOVOV 6^€tV XyVf] T ° V OTlfieVOpbeVOV 

tottov dXXd Kivelv rrjv oo<f)pr)ow, Kivel 2 be Xvopieva 
kcll xaXu)pL€va pLaXcLKcbs V7TO OeppLorrjTos, r) S' dyav 
7T€piifjvi;is Trrjyvvovoa rds oopids ovk id pelv ovSe 
Kivelv rr)v aiodrjoiv; odev kcll rd p,vpa kclI tov 
olvov rjrrov 6£,eiv ijjvxovs kol ^et/xcovos" Xeyovoiv 
6 yap drjp TrrjyvvpLevas 3 lorrjoi rds dopids ev avrco 
Kal ovk ea dvaoihooOai. 

1 del] deleted by Benseler. 

2 klv€l Stephanus : Kivelv, 

3 7rr}yvviJL€vas F. H. S., cf. 7T7]yvvovoa rds oofxas above, and 
951 A, avrov tov depa fxrjbafxov 7rrjyvvfJL€vov opctjvres: Trr)yvv(X€Vos. 

202 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXIV-XXV, 918 

Dew is a weak and ineffectual rain, and the warmth of 
the moon is also weak : so the moon draws up mois- 
ture from the earth like the sun, but being unable to 
raise it to a height and to absorb it, lets it fall again. a 



XXV 

Why is ground that has become dewy unfavourable 
for hunting so long as the cold lasts ? b 

Is it because the animals are loath to go far from 
their lairs because of the frost, and so do not leave 
many traces ? Hence, it is said, they do not (at other 
times) feed freely near their homes, so that they may 
always have food available close at hand and avoid the 
hardships of wandering far afield in the winter. 

Or must the ground to be hunted over by tracking 
not only contain a trail but also affect the sense of 
smell ? A spoor does this when there is warmth to 
free and release it gently, whereas excessive chill 
freezes the scents and does not allow them to flow 
and affect our perception. That, they say, is why 
wine and perfumes have less smell in cold weather 
and in the winter : the air arrests the scents as they 
become frozen and does not allow them to be given off. 

a That the moon causes dew is a commonplace, cf. Hous- 
man on Manilius, iv. 501. Plutarch gives a different ex- 
planation of its genesis at Quaest. Conviv. 659 b, where he 
argues that the influence of the moon causes some of the air 
round the earth to change into water. 

6 The sense of this question is poor ; and dew has nothing 
to do with the answer. The soundness of the text is doubtful. 

203 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(918) K£ 

Ata tl rd £a>a rds fiorjOovaas Sura/xets", orav iv 
TraQei yev7]rai, tjfyrei /cat 8tdi/cet /cat ^pco/xeva tto\- 
Aolkls (h<f>eXeir at ; Kaddrrep at Kvves iaOtovat 7r6av, 
tva 1 rrjv x°^W ^efiajGLV at 8' ves em tovs nora- 

C fjblovs KapKivovs (frepovTdi, fiorjOovvTai yap io6i- 
ovcrai irpos K€<f>aXaXylav rj Se x^wvrj cfxiyovGa rrjv 
oapKa rov ex^cos opiyavov €7recj#ter rrjv 8' dpKrov 
Xeyovoiv aGCD[JL€V7]v 2 tovs jJLVpfirjKas avaXafifidveiv 
rfj yXcorrrj /cat KararrLvovoav drraXXdrreoOai. rov- 
tcov 8' ovre StSacr/caAta rrodev ovre 3 irelpa /cat Trepi- 
tttojgls yeyovev avrois. 

Horepov ovv* a>07T€p ra Krjpia rrjv fieXirrav rrj 
oafifj /cat ro\ Kevefipeia* rov yvrra /ctvet /cat rrpoad- 
yerat rroppojQzv y ovtcos 6 /cat avs oi /cap/ctVot /cat rrjv 
X^Xojvqv rj opiyavos, at 8e /xup/x^/ctat ttjv dpKrov 
OGfials /cat pevfjLaai Trpoacfrepecji /cat ot/cetots" e'A/cou- 

D aw, ov Aoytcr/za> 7 rov avpLcfrepovros ayovarjs rrjs 
alcrOrjaeajs ; 

1 iodtovai 7Toav Iva Xylander : eaBiovaai tj orav. 

2 daojfjL€vr]v Xylander : fiaaojfxdvrjv. 

3 StSaa/caAia 7to0€v ovre added by F. H. S., cf. 991 e : ris he 
ras x^Aoivas e'Si'Saf e ; and Pliny, Nat. Hist, xxvii. 7: " feris 
ratio et usus inter se tradi non possit." 

4 TTorepov ovv] Castiglioni would omit ovv here, and retain 
it after ovrcos below. 5 Kevefipeta Duebner : Kevdflpia. 

6 ovtcjs one late ms. : ovtcds odv. 

7 ? add, e.g., <j>volkcos before ov Xoy lg/jlo). 

a These stories are told in a variety of places with small 
variants. Dogs : Plutarch, De Sollertia Animalium, 974 b ; 
Ps.-Aristotle, Historia Animal. 612 a 5 ; Aelian, Historia 
Animal, v. 46, viii. 9 ; Sextus Empiricus, Hyp. Pyrrh. i. 71 ; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 91. Pigs : Plutarch, Bruta Ratione 

204 






NATURAL PHENOMENA XXVI, 918 

XXVI 

Why do animals, when suffering some malady, seek 
out and pursue the things that have helpful pro- 
perties, with frequent benefit from their use ? Thus 
dogs eat grass in order to vomit up their bile ; pigs go 
after river-crabs, since by eating them they get relief 
from headache ; when a tortoise has eaten the flesh 
of a viper it proceeds to feed on marjoram ; and they 
say that the bear, when suffering from nausea, gets 
rid of it by picking up ants with its tongue and 
swallowing them. a But these animals have neither 
(been taught nor) tried and experienced these re- 
medies. 

Is it really true that, just as honeycombs excite bees 
by their scent and attract them from a distance, and 
carrion has the same effect on vultures, 6 so crabs act 
on pigs and marjoram on the tortoise, while ants' 
nests draw a bear to them by odours and effluxes 
that are conducive and proper to its well-being, their 
perceptions guiding these animals without any cal- 
culation of advantage ? 

Uti, 991 e ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 98 (but sea-crabs). Tor- 
toises : Plutarch, De Sollertia Animalium, 974 b, Bruta 
Ratione Uti, 991 e ; Ps.-Aristotle, Historia Animal. 612 a 24 ; 
Aelian, Historia Animal, iii. 5 ; with the variant that mar- 
joram is taken before attacking a viper, Aelian, ibid. vi. 
12 ; Pliny, ibid. viii. 98, xx. 169. Bears : Sextus Empiricus, 
ibid. i. 57 ; Plutarch, De Sollertia Animalium, 974 b adds 
that the bear hangs out its tongue, which attracts the ants by 
a sweet discharge ; for Pliny, ibid. viii. 101 the ants are an 
antidote to mandragora. 

6 Of. Lucretius, iv. 679 : " mellis apes quamvis longe 
ducuntur odore vulturiique cadaveribus." Post points out 
that Columella, ix. 15. 10 instructs the bee-keeper carefully 
to seal the room in which he drains the honey from the comb ; 
otherwise the bees will find their way to it. 

205 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(918) ' H ras ope^eis em(f)ipovai tols Repots at tojv 
acofidrcov KpdoeLS, as ai voool ttolovol, 1 oiacfropovs 
SpL/jLvrrjras r) yXvKvrrjras rj TLvas dXXas evriKTovcrai 
TTOLOTryras arjdeis kcll dro7Tovs, rtov vypcov Tperro- 
fxevtov; cos SfjXov iariv errl tcov yvvaLKcdv, orav 
kvcool, kcll Xidovs kol yfjv Trpoo^epopLevcov Sto KCil 
tcov voaovvroov rats ope^eoLV ol ^apUvres larpol 
TTpotaaai rovs docoTtos r] aoorrjpioos exovras* iaropet 
yovv 2 M.V7]atd€os z iv dpxfj TrvevpLovias tov IrnQvprf]- 
aavra Kpo\i\xvcov Gcp^eoOcu tov 8e gvkcov drToXXv- 

odat, StCt TO TOLLS KpaO€OL TCt? 6p€^€LS T&S §€ 

E Kpdo€LS TOLS TrdOtOLV €7T€odaL. TTLdaVOV OVV €OTL 

KOL TCOV OrjpLLQV TOL /JLTj TTCLVTeXtOS SXedpLOLS fJLrjS' 

dvOLLpeTLKols 7T€pL7TL7TTOVTa VOOrjfJLaOL T0LVT7]V TrjV 

SLaOecFLV kcll KpdoLV lox^v, vfi rjs im ra ocotpvTa 

(f)€p€TCLL KCLL dy€TCLL TOLS Op€^€OLV 6KCLOT0V CLVTCOV. 

KZ 

Ata tl to yXevKos, av vtto i/jvxovs nepLex^jTaL to 
dyyelov, yXvKv Sia/^evet ttoXvv xp^ vov > 

YloTepOV OTL 7T€lfjLS €ot\ tov yXevKovs r) €LS TO 
olvcoSes fJL€Taf}oXrj kcoXvcl Se tt)v TreifjLV r) ipvxpoTTjs, 
vtto depjjLov yap r) tt€i/jls; 

1 as at vogol 7roiovai Wyttenbach : at voooiroiovoi. 

2 yovv Duebner : ovv. 

3 Mvrjaldeos F. H. S. : Mvyoldeos larpos. Cf. Moralia, 73 b, 
where read [larpos] OuAdrt^os. 

a Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 688 a. 
b Cf. 911 e above : fevers turn moisture to bile. 

206 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXVI-XXVII, 918 

Or are these appetites induced in the animals by 
the bodily constitutions (krdseis) brought about by 
their diseases,® which give rise in them, through 
changes in their fluids, to various pungencies, sweet- 
nesses, or certain other unusual and abnormal quali- 
ties ? b There is a clear example of this in the case of 
pregnant women, who even eat stones and earth. 
This is also why clever physicians know in advance 
from the appetites of the sick which cases are hopeless 
and which may recover. For example, Mnesitheus c 
records that a patient who in the initial stages of 
disease of the lungs has an appetite for onions re- 
covers, while one who wishes for figs dies, the reason 
being that their appetites follow the constitution of 
their bodies and their constitutions follow the disease. 
It is plausible then that such animals also as are over- 
taken by diseases that are not completely destructive 
or fatal acquire just that bodily condition and con- 
stitution which leads and guides each of them by way 
of its appetites to the things that are its salvation. 



XXVII 

Why is it that must remains sweet for a long time 
if its container is in cold surroundings ? d 

Is it because the conversion of must to a vinous 
character is a concoction, while cold prevents con- 
coction, since concoction is produced by warmth ? 

c Mnesitheus of Athens, floruit c. 350 b.c, wrote books on 
diet (Hepl rcov iBecrfjudrcuv, Hepl 7rai8tou Tpocfrrjs). 

d Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xiv. 83 ; Columella, xii. 29. Must 
is unfermented (or partially fermented) grape-juice, in which 
the sugar has not been converted to alcohol. 

207 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(918) H rovvavriov , oIkzios iari rrjs aracfrvXfjs ^i^os 
6 yXvKvg, Sto Kal 77€7ratWa#at Aeyerai. **** to 
yXvKV Kipvco/juevov rj he ifjvxpoTrjs ovk ecooa Sta- 
F TTvelv, aAAd avvexovaa to deppiov ttjv yXvKVTTjTa 
StaTT] pel tov yXevKovs. olvtt] 8' €otIv atTta Kal 
tcov Tpvycofievcov ofjLppcp to yAzvKos tjttov aVa^ctv 2 - 

7] yap ^€GLS V7TO depfJLOTrjTOS , ttjv Se depfJLOTrjTCL 
KOLT€X€l> Kal GVOTeAAtL TO IpVXpOV. 



KH 

Ata tl tcov Orjplcov r) apKTOs r\KiOTa Steafltet tol 
StKTva; KaiToi Kal Avkol Kal aAcorreKes Sieodlovai. 

YioT€pov ivSoTCLTO) tovs oSeWas" h'xovoa tov X aa ~ 
jxaTOS rJKLOTa irpos to. Alva e^iKveurai, irpoepminTei 
yap tcl X € tAr] Sta, ttolxos Kal fieyeOos; 
919 H fiaAAov laxvovcra rats' X € P OL ptfyvvoi Kal Sta- 

GTTQ TOV fipOXOV; 

*H Kal Tais x € P GLV <*/za xpfj TaL Kal tco OTOfiaTi, 
Tats [JL€V ScaoTTcooa to Alvov 3 tco 8' dfJivvofJLevrj tovs 
SccoKovTas ; 

OvhtVOS S' TjTTOV aVTTJ f$O7)0OVCTlV at 7T€piKaAlV- 

S^aets" at? pcaAAov* oiaorrav tcl Alva 7TpayfiaT€Vo- 

1 Lacuna marked by F. H. S. 

2 dva&lv late mss. : dva^rjv. 

3 to Xlvov later mss. : tov Xlvov. 

4 ats fiaXXov F. H. S. after Wyttenbach (St' <Lv) : Blo paXXov 
7j. 816 fi&XXov dveiXetv rj Kronenberg, but cf. Psellus : irepL- 

KvXi,0fl€V7) TOls fipOXOLS S«Up€l TOVTOVS Kal T€jJLV€L. 

° Sweetness being the appropriate flavour of the grape, 
concoction in the grape is complete when it attains sweetness : 
the change of flavour in the must as it turns to wine is, then, 
not due to concoction but to some other process (cf. Theo- 

208 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXVII-XXVIII, 918-19 

Or is the^pposite the case ? The sweet flavouring 
is the proper flavouring of the grape, which is why 
it is said to ripen (pepainesthai) (. . . when the 
warmth leaves the must there is also released) the 
sweetness that gets mixed with it. a Cold does not 
allow transpiration of the warmth, but by shutting it 
in preserves the sweetness of the must. This is the 
reason too why the juice of grapes gathered in the 
rain ferments less ; fermentation is caused by warmth, 
and the warmth of the grapes is held in check and 
confined by the cold. 



XXVIII 

Why of all animals are bears least given to gnawing 
through nets ? b Yet both wolves and foxes gnaw 
through them. 

Is it because the bear's teeth are set far back in its 
open mouth, so that it is least able to get at the cords, 
since its lips, being large and thick, meet them first ? 

Or is it that, having greater strength in its paws, it 
uses them to break the meshes and tear them to 
pieces ? 

Or does it use both paws and mouth simultaneously, 
tearing away the net with the former and defending 
itself against its hunters with the latter ? 

But nothing helps it more than the way it rolls 
about. By giving its attention particularly to tearing 

phrastus, Caus. Plant, ii. 8. 2). This is supported by an 
etymology that links ttI^ls (concoction) with 7r€7raiv€odai (to 
ripen). According to Aristotle, Meteorologies 380 b 32, the 
change of must to wine is due to ty-qvis (boiling). 

6 Cf. TurVs Book of Lapland, Eng. trans., p. 122 : " And 
the bear has teeth, but he will not bite the rope (of the snare). 

209 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(919) /Jb€V7j TToXXoLKLS €KKvf$lOTq K(U GW^eTOLl .... a/JLT) 

/cat Scot r) 1 rcov 686vtwv. 



TtV r) atria, St' r)v tol ipvxpd tlov vodrojv ov 9av- 
fjLa£,ofJL€v dXXd tol #epua; /catrot 8rjXov ore depfjLorrjs 
air La tovtojv ws ifjvxpoTrjs €/cetVa>v. 

Ov yap, cos evioi vojjll^ovglv, r) {lev depfJLorrjg 
B SvvafiLs ioTiv r) 8e ifjvxporrjs GTeprjais depfJLorrjros, 
irrel TrXeiovcov 2, ainov <f)aveiTai z to jjltj ov tov ov- 
tos. dXX* eot/ce rco crnavico to Oavfidcnov r) envois 
ve/jiovaa ttcos ylverai ^rjrelv to jjltj noXXaKis yivo- 
/xevov. 

opas tov vifjov tovS* ameipov aWepa 

/cat yrjv rrepi^ e^ovfl' 4 vypals iv dy/caAat? 

oca fjb€v epx^Tai cfrepcov dedfiaTa vvktos, ooov 8k 
pied 9 rjfxepav KaXXos dva8eLKVvaLV ; ov jjl€vtol 
davpLal^ovaLV 5 oi ttoXXoI ttjv tovtcov cfrvaiv, tptSes 
Se Kal TTOLKiXfjLaTa vecfxjov rjpLepas* /cat ae'Aa prjyvv- 
fieva 7TOjJL(f)6Xvyos 8lktjv /cat KofJifJTai 7 . . . 

1 Corrupt : rrpovoovaa firj Kal SeOfj F. H. S. coot av firjKeTi 
hioiro Hubert. 

2 €7T€l nXeiovcov late mss. : cm irXiov <Lv. 

3 <j>av€lrai F. H. S. : ^aiVerat. 

4 ^xovra Xylander : e^ovrd 0\ 

6 ov ijl€vtol Savfid^ovoLv added by F. H. S. after Wyttenbach. 

6 rjfidpas Wyttenbach : yfiipa. 

7 /cat KOfirjrcu Kronenberg : /ce/coa/xiyrat. 

a This clause translates an uncertain conjecture. 

6 Plutarch argues against this view, which is Aristotelian 
(cf. Metaphysics, 1070 b 12, Be Caelo, 286 a 26, Be Gen. et 
210 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXVIII-XXIX, 919 

the cords apart by this means, it often tumbles out of 
them and escapes, avoiding the possibility of being 
entangled by its teeth. a 

XXIX 

What is the reason why we marvel at hot springs 
but not at cold ones ? Yet it is clear that heat is the 
cause of the former as cold is of the latter. 

It is not true, as some people think, that whereas 
heat is a thing with active properties, cold is an ab- 
sence of heat, & since in that case the non-existent 
will turn out to be responsible for more effects than 
the existent. But it would appear that human nature 
assigns marvellousness as an attribute to rarity and 
inquires into the reason of a thing only when it occurs 
infrequently. 

You see the boundless aether here above 
Enfolding Earth within its soft embrace d : 

what a multitude of glorious sights its movement pre- 
sents at night ! How great is the beauty it displays 
by day ! Yet most people (feel no wonder) at the 
being of these things ; it is rainbows, and the broidery 
of the clouds e by day, and blazes of light f breaking 
like bubbles, and comets (that attract attention . . .) 

Corr. 318 b 17, but contrast Be Part. Animal. 649 a 18), in 
Be Primo Frigido, 946 a — 948 a. 

c Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vii. 1-3. 

d Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag., Euripides, frag. 941, cited 
again Be Exilio, 601 a, Ad Principem Ineruditum, 780 d. 

e The context suggests that Plutarch has coloration rather 
than shapes or patterns in mind. Cf. also Be Pythiae Oracu- 
lis, 409 c, Be Befectu Oraculorum, 416 d. 

1 Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. i. 15.1 : ** fulgores . . . quos 

211 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(919) A 

Aid ri Ttov dfiTreXcov ras aKapTrovs, (rots 8' d- 
Kpe)p,oai {/cat epveoi)v evrpo^ovo-yas , rpayav (Ae- 

C 'H 2 on /cat 3 ra>v rpdycov oi G</)68pa irioves fjrrov 

€LOL yOVLfJLOl /Cat (JLoAlS ^VTTO TTlfJLeXijS O^eVOUCTl ; TO 

yap oireppba Trepirrcopia rrjs rpocfrrjs ion rrjs* rep 
ocbpLCLTi TrpoomOepLevrjs' orav ovv r] £a>oi> r) SevSpov 
eveKrfj /cat Trayyvryr ai, tovto arjpLelov ion rod rrjv 
rpo<f>r)v iv avrcp 5 KaravaXiOKopiivrjv firjOev rj piiKpov 
n /cat ayevves TrepirrajpLa iroielv. 

AA 

Atd ri apareXos olvcp paivopLevq, /zdAiora rep i£ 
avrfjs, dva^palverai ; 

Tlorepov, a)G7T€p iv rot? iroXvirorais yiverat 

(fxiXoLKptOGlS , V7TO OepjJLOTrjTOS TOV OLVOV TO VypOV 

i^arpLL^ovros ; 

,X H (f)VO€i OTjTTTLKOV 6 TO OLVtoSis ioTLV, OJ? (f>r)GLV 

D 'EjU/n-eSo/cA^s' otvov oltto c/>Xolov rriXeoO ai oanev iv 

1 Text by Wyttenbach : aKapnovs space for c. 24 letters 
aorpayav. . .fiev (. . -§ on). After aKapirovs Planudes added 

[LOiOl. .V€VTO. 

2 rj Duebner : 77. 

3 koX F. H. S. : space of 3 letters. 

4 rrjs Xy lander : koX rrjs. 

5 avrto Hubert : iavra). 

6 (f>vG€L gt)7ttlk6v Amyot : <f>v 

Graeci o-e'Aa appellant M : they include comets, the aurora 
borealis, and " fulgura " that strike like thunderbolts. 
Seneca also claims {ibid. i. 1. 3) several times to have seen a 

212 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXX-XXXI, 919 

XXX 

Why do we say of vines that do not fruit, but have 
a luxuriant growth of branches and shoots, that they 
" go goatish " (tragdn) ? a 

Is it because very fat he-goats are also less able to 
procreate and have difficulty in serving the female 
by reason of their fat, because the seed is a residue 
from the nourishment that goes to build the body ? 
So whenever either an animal or a plant is in good 
condition and grows stout, it is a sign that its food is 
being all used up in it, so as to produce no residue or 
only a small one that is useless for generation. b 

XXXI 

Why is it that a vine withers if sprinkled with wine, 
particularly with wine made from its own grapes ? 

Is it because the wine by reason of its heat evapo- 
rates the moisture, just as baldness occurs in heavy 
drinkers ? c 

Or is vinous liquid (by nature putrefactive), as 
Empedocles says wine to be water from the bark, 

huge ball of flame, " quae tamen in ipso cursu suo dissipata 
est." See also [Aristotle], Be Mundo 392 b 3, 395 a 32, b 3 : 
aeXas 8' ion irvpos dOpoov egaipis iv aipi' rcov 8e aeXdcov a fiev 
aKovTL&TdL, d 8e oT^pi'f €Tcu, with further details. 

a Cf. Aristotle, Historia Animal. 546 a 1. 

6 Thus good digestion leaves no residue for seed in Greek 
date-palms (Quaest. Conviv, 724 e) or in stout people (ibid. 
641 a). Cf. Aristotle, Be Gen. Animal. 727 b 1, and on the 
whole question ibid. 725 b 32 ff. 

c The hair- roots are supposed to need moisture if the hair 
is to grow, cf. Aristotle, Be Gen. Animal. 783 b 18 ; similarly 
the vine withers if deprived of moisture. 

213 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

(919) £vA(x) v8wp; orav ovv e^codev olvco ftpexrjrai, 
yivercu nvp €ttl irvp rfj 1 apbrreXcp kcll tov rpecfrov- 
tos vypov ttjv oiKelav 2 SvvajjLiv i^LOTTjOLV rj KpacrLS. 
*H arv7TTiKrjv <f>vaiv exojv 6 aKparos ivSverat 
tolls pi^ais, kcll tovs rropovs ovvayaytov kcll ttvk- 
vojocls ov 8llt]gl to v8cop els to <f)VTOV, a> 3 evdaAelv* 
kcll jSAaaravetv Tri(f>VKey; 

' H KCLL TOVTO JJL&AAoV €LVCLL TTj OLLlTTeAcp TTOLp6\ (j>V~ 
GLV, TO i£ aVTTJS CLTTLOV €LS CLVT7JV ZtTCiVLOV TTOlAlV Se'x € ~ 

gOoll; ttjs yap iv toIs (/)vtols vypoTrjTOS rjdeLTCLL 5 

E TO Lirf Tp€(f)€LV pL7]8e 7TpOOTL0€o6aL fJL7)8e [A€pOS 6LVCLL 
TOV (f)VTOV 7 . . . . 

XXXII 8 

Cur inter omnes arbores sola palma contra impo- 
situm onus adsurgit ? 

Utrum quod ignea et spirabilis facultas, qua 
maxime pollet, cum tentatur et irritatur, sese exer- 
cens magis et magis erigit ? 

An quoniam pondus ramos subito urgens aerem 
omnem qui in his est oppressum cedere retro cogat, 

1 cm TTvp rfj added by Wyttenbach, cf. Mor. 61 a, 123 e, 
143 f, 610 c/ 

2 vypov ttjv olkcIclv F. H. S. : gap of 12-16 letters. 

3 <x> added by Anon. 3 (Turnebus). ? a> /cat. 

4 evOaXelv Wyttenbach : evOaXrj. 

5 rjdetrai Bernardakis : rjvdei /cat. 

6 to fir) Hubert : rt. 

7 <j)vrov Bernardakis : </>v. 

8 Longolius's spelling and punctuation have been modi- 
fied to suit modern taste, and misprints corrected. 

° See note on 912 c above. 

6 In other passages we learn of a peculiarity of the timber 

214 



i 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXI-XXXII, 919 

when putrid in the wood.® So when the vine is ex- 
ternally moistened by wine, it is a case of (adding 
fire to) fire in the vine (?), and the admixture quite 
alters the specific power of the nutrient (moisture). 

Or does unmixed wine, being naturally astringent, 
penetrate the roots and there contract and clog the 
passages so as not to let through into the plant the 
water which it needs to grow and flourish ? 

Or is it even more unnatural for the vine to receive 
back and have returned to itself a substance that has 
left it ? That part of the moisture in plants that (can- 
not) feed them or be taken up to become part of them 
is filtered out (into the fruit . . .) 



XXXII 

Why does the palm alone of all trees rise against a 
weight laid on it ? b 

Is it because the energy of the fiery and breathlike 
substance, which is the chief source of the palm's 
strength, exerts itself more when tested and pro- 
voked, and so raises the tree more than before ? 

Or because a weight suddenly pressing on the 
branches forces all the air in them to retreat as it is 

from the palm tree : a log laid horizontally hunches itself in 
an upward curve against a superimposed weight (Xenophon, 
Cyropaedia, vii. 5. 1 1 ; Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, v. 6. 1 ; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 223). It is clearly this peculiarity that 
is referred to by Plutarch in Quaest. Conviv. 724 e, a passage 
which, as appears from Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, iii. 6, 
is based on a problem in the seventh book of Aristotle's 
Problems. It is possible that Longolius misunderstood the 
Greek text here, and wrongly supposing it to refer to a 
growing tree, introduced the words ramos and virgae, without 
warrant (see introd. p. 142 on his methods of translation). 

215 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

qui deinde resumptis paulo viribus adversum onus 
acrius rursus instat ? 

An molles et tenerae virgae impetum non susti- 
nentes, cum onus quiescit, paulatim se erigunt et 
speciem quasi contra illud adsurgant praebent ? 

XXXIII 

Quare aqua de puteis hausta minus alit quam quae 
de fonte aut caelo manat ? 

An quia frigidior magis sit et parum quoque aeris 
habeat ? 

An quod salis multum immixta sibi de terra habeat ; 
sal autem maciem, si quid aliud, facit ? 

An quod pigra nee cursu exercitata qualitatem 
aliquam malam adquirat, quae stirpibus et animanti- 
bus contraria in causa est quod nee bene concoquatur 
nee nutrire quicquam possit ? Hinc et stagnantes 
aquae minus probae 1 censentur, quod iniurias quas 
vel ab aeris mala qualitate vel a terra accipiunt 
digerere nequeant. 

XXXIV 

Cur Zephyrus ventorum omnium celerrimus vulgo 
fertur, et Homerus " nos quoque cum Zephyri cur- 
ramus flatibus una " ? 

An quod aere perpurgato et minime nebuloso flare 
1 probe ed. princ. 

° Cf. 912 a above. 

6 C/. Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, Places, c. 7. 

c Words of the horse Xanthus to Achilles at Iliad, xix. 41 5: 
vw'C Be Kdi kcv dfia 7rvoifj Ze<j>vpoio deoLficv, | r\v 7rep iXa^pordnqv 
(j>da €fjLfi€vai. 

216 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXII-XXXIV 

compressed ? The air then slowly recovers its 
strength and in turn pushes more vigorously against 
the weight. 

Or do the soft weak twigs that cannot resist the 
impetus of the weight slowly raise themselves when 
it comes to rest, giving the appearance of rising 
against it ? 

XXXIII 

Why is water drawn from wells less nutritious than 
that which flows from a spring or from the sky ? 

Is it because it is colder and also contains little 
air ? a 

Or because it contains much salt from the earth 
that is mixed with it ? Nothing causes leanness so 
much as salt. 

Or because being sluggish and not shaken up by 
running, it acquires some bad quality that is adverse 
to plants and animals and is the reason why it is not 
well concocted and cannot nourish anything ? Hence 
standing waters, too, are thought less good, 6 because 
they are unable to throw off any damage that they 
receive, whether from some bad quality of the air or 
from the earth. 

XXXIV 

Why of all the winds is the west wind commonly 
accounted the swiftest, and why does Homer write 

Though we too might gallop as fast as the west wind's 
breath ? c 

Is it because it usually blows when the air has been 
thoroughly cleansed and is most free from cloud ? 

217 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

soleat ? Aeris enim densitas et impuritas ventorum 
cursum non mediocriter impedit. 

An quod sol radiis suis flatumfrigidumperstringens, 
quo velocius feratur, auctor est ? Quicquid enim 
frigidi ventorum vi contrahitur, id a calore veluti 
hoste superatum longius et citius propelli credendum 
est. 

XXXV 

Cur apes fumum ferre nequeunt ? 

Quod 1 meatus spiritus vitalis sane quam angustos 
habeant. At is fumo interceptus et conclusus angit 
et propemodum ad mortem apes adigit. 

An acredo amaritudoque fumi in causa est ? Gau- 
dent enim dulcibus apes neque alio nutrimento 
aluntur : itaque ut contrariam et noxiam rem propter 
amaritudinem fumum detestantur. Qua de causa 
mellarii cum fumum abigendis apibus faciunt, amaras 
herbas, ut cicutam et centaurium, 2 incendere solent. 

XXXVI 

Cur apes citius pungunt qui stuprum dudum fe- 
cerunt ? 

1 Either Longolius's Greek text had the mistake of 
omitting rj {cf. 914 c, e, 917 d) or an is omitted from the 
Latin text. 

2 centaurum ed. prine. 

° One would think the rising sun as well able to set the 
east wind in motion as the setting sun the west. But it 
may be assumed that the west wind is colder (its coldness is 
commented on in [Aristotle], Problemata, 946 a 17 ff.) and 
therefore flees faster. 

6 Cf. note on 916 b above. 

218 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXIV-XXXVI 

For thickness and impurity of the air is no mean 
hindrance to the rapid passage of the winds. 

Or because the sun strikes the cold wind with its 
rays and is thereby responsible for its moving faster ? 
For we must suppose that all the coldness collected 
by the force of the winds is driven in accelerated and 
protracted flight by the warmth, as if by a victorious 
enemy. 

XXXV 

Why cannot bees bear smoke ? 

Is it because they have very narrow passages for 
their vital pneuma, b the blocking and imprisoning of 
which by the smoke suffocates them and brings them 
to death's door ? 

Or does the reason lie in the pungency and bitter- 
ness of smoke ? Bees delight in sweet things and 
make them their only food ; so they hate smoke for 
its bitterness, as being something contrary and harm- 
ful. Hence when beekeepers make smoke to drive 
the bees away, it is their practice to burn bitter plants 
like hemlock and centaury. 



XXXVI 

Why are bees quicker to sting persons who have 
just committed an immoral sexual act ? c 

c Cf. Conjugalia Praecepta, 144 d ; Columella, ix. 14. 3 ; 
Geoponica, xv. 2. 15, but in none of these passages (unless 
possibly the first) is it suggested that bees distinguish illicit 
from licit sexual acts. The belief that bees readily attack 
those who carry the odour of sexual intercourse may be true, 
since they appear to be provoked by other body odours. 

219 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

An quod animal est munditiae et elegantiae per- 
quam studiosum ; praeterea olfactus sensu valet 
plurimum ? Quum itaque impuri congressus propter 
impudicitiam et immoderatam libidinem soleant esse 
immundiores, et citius ab apibus deprehenduntur et 
odium vehementius adversus illos concipiunt. Unde 
apud Theocritum iocose Venus ad Anchisen a pastore 
ablegatur, uti apum acujeis propter adulterium com- 
missum pungatur : 

Te confer ad Idam, 
confer ad Anchisen, ubi quercus atque cypirus 
crescit, apum strepit atque domus melliflua bombis. 

Et Pindarus : " Parvula favorum fabricatrix, quae 
Rhoecum pupugisti aculeo, domans illius perfidiam. ,, 

XXXVII 

Quare canes, relict o homine qui iecit, lapidem 
morsu insectantur ? 

An quia neque cogitatione comprehendere quic- 

° Lines spoken by Daphnis in Theocritus, i. 105. A. S. F. 
Gow, Theocritus, ii, p. 24, thinks this an alternative form of 
the usual story, according to which Anchises was punished by 
a lightning stroke for boasting of his liaison with Aphrodite. 
The Latin also admits of the meaning that Aphrodite herself 
was stung by the bees. Theocritus's lines are : 

epire irpos "I8(W, 

€p7T€ TTpOS ' 'Ay^M/OV T7}V€L 8pV€S rj&€ (cSSc MSS.) KVTTCipOS, 

at 8e KaXal f$ofjip€VVTi ttotI ap^dveaoL fiiXiaaai. 

6 Frag. 252 Snell, known only in this Latin version. The 
story of Rhoecus, as combined from the scholiasts on Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, ii. 477, and Theocritus, iii. 13 c, with Etym. 
Magnum, 75. 26 (originally from Charon of Lampsacus), is 
that he was a Cnidian who in Nineveh caused his slaves to 
prop up a tree that was falling with age. The tree-nymph 
220 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXVI-XXXVII 

Is it because the bee is extremely devoted to 
cleanliness and neatness and has, furthermore, a very 
keen sense of smell ? Now since irregular coition is 
usually more unclean, through lewdness and unre- 
strained lust, such persons are more quickly detected 
by bees, and the bees conceive a more violent dislike 
of them. Hence the jest in Theocritus when Aphro- 
dite is dispatched by the herdsman to Anchises, with 
the intention that he (? she) shall be stung by bees 
because of their adultery : 

So take you to Ida, 
Take you to Anchises, where oaks and galingale grow, 
And the buzz of bees is loud in their honey-flowing home. 

And Pindar writes : 

Tiny comb-builder, who planted your sting 
In Rhoecus, bringing low his perfidy. b 



XXXVII 

Why do dogs pursue and bite a stone, disregarding 
the man who threw it ? c 

Is it because a dog has neither reasoning power nor 

whose life he thus saved offered him any boon. He chose to 
lie with her ; she agreed and promised that a bee should 
summon him to her, but he was to avoid intercourse with 
other women. The bee came when he was playing draughts, 
he spoke impatiently to it, and the insulted nymph punished 
him by some bodily injury, perhaps blindness. Pindar's 
story must have been different, Rhoecus suffering for in- 
fidelity, as is hinted in the inconsequent ban on other inter- 
course in Charon's version, and not for lack of tact ; see 
Jacoby, Frag. Gr. Hist. iii. a 20 and P. Friedlander in 
Pauly-Wissowa, RE, I A 1002. 
e Cf. Plato, Republic, 469 e. 

221 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

quam nee reminisci (quibus solus homo virtutibus 
valet) potest ? Itaque quum mente non discernat a 
quo iniuria fuerit illata, id tantum quod ob oculos 
minaciter versatur inimicum esse existimat deque eo 
vindictam sumere parat. 

An lapidem, dum per terram mittitur, feram ali- 
quam esse autumans, pro ingenio hanc prius capere 
conatur, deinde cum viderit se opinione sua frustrari, 
hominem rursus invadit ? 

An quod et id quod missum fuerit et hominem 
ipsum aequaliter odit, et id quod proximius est in- 
sectatur ? 

XXXVIII 

Cur lupae certo anni tempore omnes intra xn dies 
pariunt ? 

Antipater in libro de animalibus partum lupas 
proiicere adserit, cum glandiferae arbores florem 
abiiciunt, quo gustato uteri illarum reserantur : cum 
eius copia non est, partum in ipso corpore emori nee 
in lucem venire posse : praeterea regiones illas a 
lupis non vastari, quae glandium quercuumque feraces 
non sunt. 

Quidam ad fabulam Latonae referunt, quae cum 
uterum ferret nee uspiam tuta prae Iunone esse 

° Aristotle, Historia Animal. 580 a 13 ff. says that mating 
is at a single season, and that all births are reported to take 
place within a period of twelve days in early summer : he is 
sceptical of this. Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 83 says that mating 
is confined to twelve days. 

b Cited for a marvellous story by the Scholiast on Apol- 
lonius Rhodius, ii. 88, whence C. Wendel, Hermes, lxxvii 
(1942), p. 216, argues that he is not the Stoic Antipater of 
Tarsus, among whose fragments this passage is included 

222 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXVII-XXXVIII 

memory (which are faculties peculiar to man), and so 
when it cannot distinguish in its mind the source of 
the damage done to it, it considers that its only enemy 
is the object, the threatening movement of which it 
has in view, and sets about taking its revenge on 
that ? 

Or is it that it imagines the stone, so long as it rolls 
along the ground, to be some animal and tries at first 
to catch this animal, following its instincts, but after- 
wards, seeing itself to be mistaken in its belief, returns 
to attack the man ? 

Or is the reason that it hates the missile just as 
much as the man, and goes for the nearer of the two ? 



XXXVIII 

Why do all she-wolves litter within twelve days at 
a fixed time of the year ? a 

Antipater b in his book On Animals asserts that 
wolves give birth at the time when trees that bear 
nuts or acorns shed their flowers : when they eat 
these, their wombs are opened. But if there is no 
supply of these flowers, their offspring die within them 
and cannot see the light. Moreover those parts of 
the world that are not fertile in nut-trees or oak-trees 
are not troubled by wolves. 

Some trace the cause to the story of Leto. She, 
when pregnant and unable to find safety from Hera 

(S. V.F. iii. 251), but an unknown chronicler of marvels. 
Yet marvels did not come amiss to Stoics, as being evidence 
of the workings of Providence or of the unity of all things in 
the universe. Chrysippus " recorded many strange and sur- 
prising facts " (Quaest. Conviv. 627 e), and Cleanthes's tall 
story about ants was famous (S. V.F. i. 515). 

223 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

posset, duodecim diebus, quibus in Delum proficis- 
cebatur, in lupum a love mutata, ut deinceps omnes 
lupae eo ipso tempore parere possint impetravit. 

XXXIX 

Cur aqua in summa parte alba, in fundo vero nigra 
spectatur ? 

An quod profunditas nigredinis mater est, ut quae 
solis radios prius quam ad earn descendant obtundat 
et labefactet ? Superficies autem, quoniam continuo 
a sole adficitur, candorem luminis recipiat oportet. 
Quod ipsum et Empedocles approbat 

et niger in fundo fluvii color exstat ab umbra 
atque cavernosis itidem spectatur in antris. 

An limo plerumque oppletus fluminum marisque 
fundus talem de se colorem per solis reflexum parit, 
quali utique is praeditus est ? 

An probabilius est, aquam minime quae illis est 
puram et sinceram esse, sed terrea qualitate (utpote 
quae continuo, qua currit vel agitatur, aliquid ex ea 
advehat) imbutam, cum ad fundum residet, turbi- 
diorem et minus perspicuam effici ? 

a Where she gave birth to Apollo and Artemis. This 
story, perhaps aetiological to account for Apollo's title 
Lykeios, is recorded by Aristotle, Historia Animal. 580 a 
16-19. Aelian, Historia Animal, iv. 4, has it in the form 
that wolves are in labour for 12 days and nights, the Delians 
saying that Leto took so long to reach Delos from the land 
of the Hyperboreans. 

6 Diels-Kranz, Frag, der Vorsok. i. 31 b 94. Empedocles 
believed water to be black and fire white (Theophrastus, De 
sensu, 59) : light is a form of fire. Thus unlighted water, at 
the bottom of a river, or unlighted air, in a cave, is black. In 
view of the Peripatetic source of many other questions in this 

224 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XXXVIII-XXXIX 

anywhere, was turned by Zeus into a wolf for the 
twelve days during which she was on the way to 
Delos a : she obtained his consent that in future all 
wolves should be able to litter in that same period. 



XXXIX 

Why is water seen as white in its upper layer but 
black at the bottom ? 

Is it because depth is the mother of blackness, in- 
asmuch as it blunts and weakens the sun's rays before 
they get down to it ? The surface, on the other hand, 
being immediately affected by the sun, must take on 
the brightness of its light. This has the support of 
Empedocles too : 

The black colour, too, in the depths of the river is due to 

the shadow, 
And may be observed in just the same way in underground 

caverns. 6 

Or do the depths of rivers and of the sea, being gen- 
erally choked with mud, generate from themselves 
by reflection of the sun the same colour as charac- 
terizes the mud, (although it may not be that of the 
water) ? 

Or is it more plausible that the water of rivers and 
sea is anything but pure and unadulterated, but being 
imbued with an earthy quality (seeing that it is per- 
petually assimilating something from the earth over 
which the river runs or the sea tosses), turns muddier 
and less transparent when it settles to the bottom ? 

collection it may be noted that Aristotle held water to be 
black, Be Gen. Animal. 735 a 32 with b 35, cf. also Be Primo 
Frigido, 950 a. 

vol. xi I 225 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

XL 

(Psellus, Be Omni/aria Boctrina, 170 Westerink, 
134 Migne) 

Tts yj olria oY rjv, orav els rrjv Odkacrcrav kp/irko~r) kc- 
pavvos, aXes k^avdovo~t ; 

TLrjyvvpevov to SaXdo'ctov vSojp tovs dXas TOtei, 7rrj- 
yvvTOLL 8e rov Kepavvov ApLirecrovTOS kv rfj daXdcro-rj Kal 
to yXvKv Kal iroTipov v8cop k^dyovTOS' odev to fxlv Xtir- 

TOV Kal TTOTipOV v8o)p OvO* V7T0 7)XtOV KOLLOfJL€VOV TT^yVVTai 
OvO* V7TO KtpCLVVOV, TO 6° dXpLVpOV V7r a/X(/)OT€/3(OV TOVTO 

7rdo"x^et f Kal pdXiarTa virb Kepavvov. QtcioSes yap ov to 
Kepavvtov 7rvp, OTav els ttjv OdXao-crav kpLTrko-y, e£aT/zt£ei 
pev Kal dva£rjpaiv€L to TTOTtpov, 7rrjyvvcrL 8e to yewSes 
Kal dXp,vpov' odev do~r)7TTa pev ol Kepavvol t<x criopiaTa 
TroLOvo-iv, do-rjiTTa 81 ol aXes 8ia($>vXdTTOvo~iv ) Zkttjko- 

pL€V7]S V7T aVTtoV TTJS VypOTTJTOS. TaVTTjV TV)V aWiav Kal 

'Apio-TOTeX-qs 6 </)iAdcro(/)OS a7ro8k)(€Tai Kal ol KpetTTOvs 

TtoV (f)VO m LKU)V. 

XLI 

(Psellus, Be Omni/aria Boctrina, 188 Westerink, 
152 Migne) 

Atot tl Tot p68a paXXov dvOet 8vcr68puov tlvmv irapa- 

7T€(f>VT€Vpkv(x)V aVTOLS / 

Ov Ta p68a povov, dXXd Kal tol Kplva Kal t<x la Kal 
irdvTa oo-a <e\ei fjSetav diro^opdv, OTav o~Kopo8a Kal Kpop,- 
pva tovto is 7rapa(f>vT€V7]TaL } evu)8ko~Tepa ytveTcu, Slotl 7rav 
etVt 8pcpv Kal 8vo~o8pLOV kv tovtols rf, kv Tots 8pip,VT€pois 
tcjv cnreppaTiAV (favcTLKois diropptl, Kal yiveTai to KaTaXtp- 
7ravop€VOV ev(i)8ko~TaTOV Kal 6ar<f>pavTLK(OTaTOV. Kal to 
Tnfjyavov Se imb tyj crvKrj <f>vT€v6pevov 8ptp.vT€pov tavTov 
ylvtTai. ptTaTiOeTai yap cts to (f>vTov to kv Trj crvKrj f3a- 
226 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XL-XLI 



XL« 

For what reason does a salt scum form when a thunder- 
bolt falls into the sea ? 

Solidification of sea- water produces salt, and it is solidi- 
fied when a thunderbolt falls into the sea and expels the 
sweet drinkable water from it. Hence light drinkable 
water is not solidified when burnt by the sun or a thunder- 
bolt, but both things cause this effect in sea-water, par- 
ticularly the thunderbolt. When the fire of lightning, 
being sulphurous, falls into the sea, it evaporates and dries 
up what is drinkable in it, but solidifies what is earthy and 
salty. Hence lightning makes dead bodies immune from 
decay, and salt also preserves them undecayed since their 
moisture oozes out of them by its action. b The philosopher 
Aristotle c approves this explanation, and so do the better 
scientists. 



XLI 

Why do roses flower better if certain malodorous plants 
have been set alongside them ? 

Not only roses, but lilies also and violets and all flowers 
that have a sweet scent become more fragrant when leeks 
and onions are planted alongside them, because anything 
pungent and ill-smelling that there may be in them is by a 
law of nature drained off to the more pungent plants/ and 
what is left becomes extremely fragrant and good to smell. 
Rue, too, when planted under a fig-tree becomes more 
pungent than ever,* since what is malodorous in the fig- 

a On this question and the next see introd. p. 143. 

b Cf. Quaest. Conviv. 685 c. 

c Frag. 210. 

d Cf. De Capiendo, Ex Inimicis Utilitate, 92 b. 

e At Quaest. Conviv. 684 d Plutarch's grandfather is made 
to give, on the authority of market gardeners, the opposite 
belief, namely that the rue becomes sweeter and less pungent. 

227 



PLUTARCH'S MORALIA 

pvocrpov. /cat Tats crvKals Se ayp'aav 7rapa7re(f)VT6vpL€VG)v 
(Tvkojv fSeXrid) ra uvkol yiverai. oXktjs yap e/cao-TO) /cat 
<f)opas irpbs ra crvp&vXa /cat ofxo ta ytvopLevrjs, ocrov karlv 
kv rfj yXvKeta crvKrj Spipbv cts rrjv dyptav pera/3aivei (TVKrjv 
/cat apuKTOv rrjv rov ctvkov (£>v\dTT€i yXvKVTrjra. 



228 



NATURAL PHENOMENA XLI 

tree is transferred to the plant. Again figs are improved 
when wild figs are planted alongside the trees. Everything 
has an attraction and motion towards things that are of the 
same kind as itself or similar to it ; and so all that is 
pungent in the sweet fig-tree transfers itself to the wild 
one, so that the sweetness of its figs is preserved uncon- 
taminated. 



229 



INDEX 



COMPILED BY E. N. O'NEIL 



Abab, 93 : an oracular shrine in 

Phocis 
Achaeans, 23 

Acrisius, 29 : father of Danae 
Acrocorinth, 110 note b 
Acrocorinthion, 109 : daughter of 

Adeimantus, named in honour 

of his victory at Artemisium 
Adeimantus, 87, 105, 109 : Cor- 
inthian commander in Xerxes' 

invasion of Greece 
Aegean Sea, 67 note a 
Aeginetans, 95, 113 and note c, 

121, 123 
Aeimnestus, 125 : Spartan hero 

at Plataea who killed Mardo- 

nius 
Aelian : parallel discussions : 

Varia Hist. ii. 25 : 57 note b ; 

Hist. Animal, iii. 5 : 205 note a ; 

iv. 4 : 224 note a ; v. 41 : 186 

note b ; v. 46 : 204 note a ; vi. 

12 : 205 note a ; Be Nat. 

Animal, ix. 13 : 157 note b 
Aeschines, 39 and note a : tyrant 

of Sicyon 
Aesop, 113 and note d 
Aetna, see Etna 

Agelaiis, 39 : Thessalian ruler de- 
posed by the Spartans 
Agrae, 55 : a deme of Athens 
Agrotera, 54 note a, 57 : epithet 

of Artemis 
air, 169 
Ajax, 23, 107 : son of Telamon 

and king of Salamis 
Alcaeus, 31 : the lyric poet 
Alcmaeonids, 31, 33, 57, 59, 61, 

63 : a noble Athenian family 
Alcman, 29, 201 : lyric poet. 

Quoted : Frag. 43 : 201 



Aleuadae, 39 note / : the ruling 
family in Thessaly 

Alexander the Great, 19, 78 note 
a, 127 note d 

Alexander, 9 : friend of Plutarch 
to whom " On the Malice of 
Herodotus " is addressed 

Alexander, 17 : tyrant of Pherae 

Alexibia, 109 : daughter of Adei- 
mantus named in honour of bis 
victory at Artemisium 

Alyattes, 41 : king of Sardis 618- 
561 B.C. and father of Croesus 

Amasis, 39, 81 : king of Egypt 
569-525 B.C. 

Amazons, 117 

Ambracia, 39 and note b : a city 
in Epirus 

Ameinocles, 69, 113 : a man from 
Magnesia mentioned by Hero- 
dotus 

Anabasis, 57 note b : work of 
Xenophon 

Anaxagoras, 149 : Ionian philo- 
sopher 

Anaxander, 85 : Theban general 
at Thermopylae 

Anchises, 221 : father of Aeneas 

animals, 159 f., 203, 204 note a, 
205 

anonymous citation, 195 

Antenor, 45 : a Greek writer of 
uncertain date. Cited: F. 2: 45 

Anthologia Palatina : quoted : vi. 
50 : 123 ; vi. 215 : 109 ; vii. 
250 : 109 ; vii. 347 : 109 

Antipater, 127 note d> 223 and 
note b : author of a work " On 
Animals." It is doubtful if he 
is to be identified with the 
Stoic Antipater 

231 



INDEX 



Antipodes, 99 : people who live 
on the opposite side of the 
earth 

ants, 185, 205 note a 

Anytus, 55 : an Athenian who 
proposed the decree that re- 
warded Philippides for sum- 
moning the Spartans to Mara- 
thon 

Apaturia, 35 : a festival cele- 
brated by most Ionic cities 

Aphrodite, 111 and note b, 2%1. 
See also Cypris 

Apollo, 107 and note b, 224 note a ; 
see also 45, 113, 125 

Apollonius Mys, 159 : Greek 
writer who nourished c. 60 B.C. 

apples, 163 

Aratus, 157 : Cilician poet. 
Quoted : Phaen. 946-947 : 157 

Archias, 45 : a Spartan who fell 
fighting at Samos and who was 
later honoured by Samians 

Archilochus, 29 : of Paros, early 
Ionian poet 

Ares 123 

Argives, 29, 63, 65, 67 note b 

Argos, 63 

Argus, 29 : grandfather of Io in 
some versions 

Arimnestus, see Aeimnestus 

Aristeides, 121 : surnamed " The 
Just," Athenian statesman 

Aristeus, 109 : son of Adeimantus, 
named in honour of his victory 
at Artemisium 

Aristoboule, 99 : epithet of Ar- 
temis 

Aristogenes, 39 : tyrant of Miletus 
expelled by Spartans 

Aristogeiton, 47 : one of the mur- 
derers of Hipparchus 

Aristomedes, 39 : Thessalian ruler 
deposed by the Spartans 

Aristomenes, 23 : Messenian lea- 
der in the struggle with Sparta 

Aristophanes comicus : referred 
to : Acharnenses, esp. 515-539 
17 ; see also 57 note b 

Aristophanes historicus, 71, 84 
note a, 85. Cited : F. 5 : 71 
F. 6 : 85 

Aristotle, 134-136, 138, 139, 151 
153, 175 note c, 177, 186 note d, 
187 note /, 197, 227. Aristotle 



is perhaps the chief source for 
Plutarch's Quaestiones Natura- 
les. The following list makes 
no pretence of being complete. 
127 a 17 : 157 note a ; 286 a 26 : 
211 and note b ; 318 b 17 : 211 
and note b ; 347 b 18 : 203 ; 
348 b 2 : 181 ; 354 b 18 : 165 ; 
355 a 32 : 173 ; 358 a 14 ff. : 
151 f. and note e ; 358b 6: 171 
and note b ; 358 b 34 : 165 and 
note d ; 359 a 1-5 : 165 ; 359 a 
7-19 : 149 ; 369 a 12-29 : 161 ; 
379 b 10 ff. : 157 note a ; 379 b 
33 ff.: 155; 380 b 32: 209 and 
note a ; 384 a 26 : 194 note a ; 
392 b 3 : 213 note / ; 395 a 32, 
b3: 213 note/; 416 a 33: 155; 
546 a 1 : 213 ; 578 a 33 ff. : 
197 ; 578 b 1 : 199 ; 580 a 11 
ff. : 233 and note a ; 580 a 16- 
19 : 225 and note a ; 590 a 24 : 
165 note d ; 612 a 5 : 204 note 
a ; 612 a 24 : 205 note a ; 649 
a 18 : 211 note b ; 651 a 2 : 
194 note a; 678 b 32: 186 
note d ; 725 b 31 ff. : 213 and 
note b ; 727 b 1 : 213 and note 
b ; 735 a 32 : 225 ; 765 a 23 : 
197 note c ; 783 b 18 : 213 and 
note c ; 815 b 16 : 149 note b ; 
836b 14: 201 note b ; 861 a6: 
155 note c ; 896 a 22 ff. : 195 ; 
932 b 5 : 151 and note c ; 932 
b 8 ff . : 171 and note c ; 932 b 
25 ff. : 150 note a, 151 and 
note a ; 933 a 17-20 : 150 note 
c ; 933 b 11 : 164 note a ; 934 
b 27 ff. : 173 ; 935 a 7 : 151 
and note c ; 935 a 17 : 171 note 
c ; 935 b 3 ff. : 165 ; 943 b 21 : 
219 ; 946 b 17 ff. : 219 and 
note a ; 961 a 24 ff. : 177 ; 966 
a 7-20 : 199 ; 1070 b 12 : 211 
and note b ; 1304 a : 38 note b ; 
1409 a : 91 note d ; Resp. 
Athens. 58. 1 : 54 note a ; 
Problemata Inedita ii. 22 : 154 
note a ; ii. 141 : 194 note c ; 
ii. 142 : 197 note b ; ii. 152 : 
194 note c ; hi. 29. 47 : 177 ; 
Frag. 210: 227; 215: 153; 
222: 175 note c; 229: 215 f. 
Aristoxenus, 19 : a philosopher of 
the Peripatetic school 



232 



INDEX 



Arrian : Frag. Phys. 3 : 161 

Artaphernes, 49 : satrap of Sar- 
dis 

Artaxerxes, 63 : Persian king 

Artemis, 41, 54 note a, 57, 91 and 
note a, 99, 224 note a 

Artemisia, 91 note e, 103, 127 : 
queen of Halicarnassus 

Artemisium, battle of, 87, 89, 109, 
127 

Asia, 91 

Aspasia, 17 : mistress of Pericles 

Assyrian, 27 

Atarneus, 37 and note c : city in 
Asia Minor 

Athena, 37 

Athenaeus : of Naucratis. Paral- 
lel discussions : Deipn. 25 b ff. : 
175 and note a ; 41 f ff. : 169 
note b 

Athenian(s), 3, 31, 33, 35, 49, 51, 
53, 55, 57, 59 and note a, 61, 67, 
71 note e, 73, 85 note e, 87, 89, 
91, 95, 101, 105, 107, 113, 115, 
117 and note b, 119, 121, 123 

Athenodorus, 111 note c : of Ere- 
tria, an author 

Athens, 3, 33 note a, 35, 39, 45, 
47, 55, 57, 59 and note 6, 63, 77 
note b y 103, 113 note e 

Attaginus, 73 and note a : a 
leading Theban friendly to Mar- 
donius 

Attica, 59 

attraction, 229 

Aulis, 39 : tyrant of Phocis 

autumn, 161 f. 

BARBARIANS, 13, 21, 23, 35, 51, 55, 

57, 59, 61, 77, 79, 85, 93, 99, 

111, 119, 127 
barley, 183, 185 
battles, 127 
bears, 199 and note a, 205 and 

note a, 209 
bees, 205, 219, 221 
bile, 151 

bitterness, 167, 171 f. 
blood, 193 f. 
boats, 169 f. 
Boedromion, 53, 54 note a : name 

of a month 
Boeotia, 181 note d 
Boeotian(s), 2, 9, 29, 51, 71, 85 
Bosporus, 21 note c 



bubbles, 155 
bushes, 167 f. 

Busiris, 23 : a mythological fi- 
gure 

Cadmeia, 117 : the citadel of 
Thebes 

Caesar, Gaius Julius, 17 

calamary, 185 f. 

Callias, 61, 63 : Callias II, son of 
Hipponicus, member of a 
wealthy Athenian family 

Callimachus, 133 

Caria, 47 

Carian(s), 47, 111 

Carmina Popularia, C 16 : 183 

Carneian festival, 127 

Carthaginians, 23 

Cassandra, 23 : daughter of 
Priam 

Cato, the Elder. Parallel discus- 
sion : De Agricultural 24 : 174 
note a; 34-35: 183; 104-106: 
175 note a 

Cato, the Younger, 17 

Causes of Natural Phenomena, 
149-229 

cephalopods, 187 ; see also ma- 
lacia 

Chalcidian, see Dionysius 

Chalcidians, 95 

chamaeleon, 137, 193 

Charon, 37 and note d, 51, 220 
note b : an historian of Lamp- 
sacus. Cited : F. 9 : 37 ; F. 10: 
51 

Cheileos, 115, 117 : a Tegean 
mentioned by Herodotus 

Chians, 37 

chilling, 175 

Chios, 37 

chlounes, 197 and notes b and c 

Cicero : De Nat. Deor. ii. 25 : 
181 ; ii. 27 : 173 

Cimmerian, 21 note c 

Cleades, 123 : a Plataean 

Cleisthenes, 45 : an Athenian and 
head of the Alcmaeonids 

Cleomenes, 45 : king of Sparta 

Cleon, 11 and note e, 13 : Athe- 
nian demagogue 

clepsydra, 169 and note a 

Cnidians, 43 

cold, 181, 203, 207 f., 211 

Colophonians, 37 



233 



INDEX 



Columella, Roman writer. Paral- 
lel discussions : ix. 14. 3 : 207 ; 
xii. 21-22 : 175 and note a ; 
xii. 29 : 207 

Comica Adespota, 17 

concoction, 138, 139, 155, 164 
note a, 207 

congealing, 169 

Corcyra, 41, 43 

Corcyreans, 43 

Corinth, 39, 41, 107, 111 note 6, 
121 

Corinthian(s), 3, 9, 19 note b, 41, 
43, 47, 49, 87, 91, 95, 105, 107 
and note c, 109 f., 119, 121 

Corpus Hippiatricorum Graec. i, 
p. 78. 15 : 197 note c 

corruption, 163 f. 

Creon, 111 note c : father of 
Glauce, the bride of Jason 

Cresines, see Cretines 

Cre tines, 69 : a man from Mag- 
nesia 

Croesus, 29, 33, 35, 39 : king of 
Lydia 

Ctiseis, 45 : title of a work by 
Dionysius the Chalcidian 

Cyme, 37 : an Aeolian town in 
Mysia 

Cyprians, 49 

Cypris, 111, 195. See also Aphro- 
dite 

Cypselids, 39 and note b : tyrants 
of Corinth 

Cypselus, 47 : tyrant of Corinth 

Cyrus the Great, 33, 37 : founder 
of Persian empire 

Cythnians, 67, 125 

DanaE, 29 : mother of Perseus 

Danaiis, 25 : father of the Da- 
naids 

dates, 163 

Datis, 97 : Persian general 

decay, 191 

deer, 193 f. 

De'ioces, 35 : first ruler of Media 

Delos, 225 and note a 

Delphi, 107 note b, 113, 125 

Delphic prophetess, 45 

Demaratus, 71 : king of Sparta 

Demeter, 25 

Democritus, 149, 165 note d, 191 
note b : the pre-Socratic philo- 
sopher 



Democritus, 97, 99 : of Naxos 

dew, 167 f., 201, 203 

Dew, 201 : called daughter of 
Zeus and Selene by Alcman 

Diodorus, 109 : Corinthian cap- 
tain at Salamis 

Diodorus Siculus. Parallel discus- 
sions : v. 3. 2 : 201 note b ; xi. 
4. 3-4 : 81 ; xi. 4. 7 : 77 note 
b ; xi. 9. 4 ff. : 79 note c ; xv. 
54 : 22 note b 

Diogenes Laertius. Parallel dis- 
cussion : i. 22 : 29 note d 

Dionysius II, 13 : tyrant of Syra- 
cuse 

Dionysius, 45 : of Chalcis, a Greek 
historian. Cited : Fr. 13 : 45 

Dionysius, 173 : surnamed Hy- 
dragogus, unknown 

Dionysus, 25, 27 and note 6, 173 

divers, 179 

Diyllus, 55 : an Athenian histo- 
rian. Cited: Frag. F. 3: 55; 
T. 5 : 55 

dogs, 205 and note a, 221 f. See 
also hounds 

Dorians, 27, 91, 99, 181 note d 

Doris, 181 f. and note d : a small 
state between Thessaly and 
Boeotia 

dynamics, 141 

EARTH, 181, 211 

Egypt, 21 note b, 25 

Egyptian(s), 23 and note g, 25, 27, 
29, 113 

Eleusinian Mysteries, see myster- 
ies 

Eleutherios, 123 : epithet of Zeus, 
q.v. 

Empedocles, 137, 155, 157 and 
note a, 189, 190 note a, 191 
note b, 193, 197, 199, 213, 225 
and note b. Cited : Frag, a 78 : 
193 ; A 89 : 191 ; B 64 : 197 ; 
B 81 : 157, 213 ; B 89 : 189 ; 
B94: 225; B 101 : 199 

Epameinondas, 78 note a 

Epaphus, 29 : son of Io 

Ephesians, 37 

Ephesus, 49, 103 

Ephorus, 15, 79 note c, 97 : a 
Greek historian of Cumae. 
Cited: Frag. 187;: 97; 189: 
15 



234 



INDEX 



Ephyra, 119 : an ancient name 
for Corinth 

Epicurus, 191 note b 

Eretria, 51 

Eretrians, 47, 49, 57, 95 

Ethiopian, 65 

Etna, 201 and note b : mountain 
in Sicily 

Euboea, 47 

Euboeans, 87 

euitheia, 2 

Euripides. Quoted : Andromache, 
448: 65; Frag. 895: 195; 941. 
1-2: 211 

Eurybiadas, 87, 101 : Spartan ad- 
miral 

Eurymachus, 85 note e : son of 
Leontiadas, the Theban com- 
mander at Thermopylae 

FARROWING, 195 f. 

fermentation, 209 

fig tree, 227 

figs, 229 

fishermen's nets, 179 f. 

fishing line, 185 

Flamininus, 11 : Titus Quinctius, 

with whom the Greeks were 

allied against Philip V 
flavourings, 139 f., 163 and note 

d, 165 f., 167, 209 
foxes, 209 

freezing, 171 and note d 
frogs, 157 
frost, 203 
fruit, 163, 165 and note a 

Galen, 139. Parallel discussion : 

De Simpl. Medic, iv. 3 : 151 

note/ 
generation, 163 f., 213 
Geoponica: parallel discussions: 

ii. 47. 3 : 164 note a ; xv. 2. 15 : 

219 
Gephyraeans, 47 
Glauce, 111 note c : bride of 

Jason 
Glaucus, 121 : grandson of Aeolus 
goats, 213 
Gorgo, 81 and note b : wife of 

Leonidas 
grapes, 163, 209 
Greece, 21, 29, 53, 65, 67, 69, 73, 

79 and note a, 83, 87, 89, 91, 

105, 107, 109, 111, 117, 123, 129 



Greek(s), 3, 11, 13, 21, 25, 27, 35, 
37, 41, 49, 57, 63, 67, 71, 73, 75, 
77, 83, 87, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99, 
103, 105, 113, 115, 117, 121, 
123, 125, 127, 129 

Greek religion, 27 

Greek Sea, 25 

gypsum, 175 f. 

hair, 185 

Halae, 173 : a deme of Attica 

Halicarnassians, 91 and note e 

Halicarnassus, 91 note d 

hay, 181 

heat, 165 

Hecate, 54 note a 

Helen, 25 : wife of Menelaus 

Hellanicus, 97 : of Mytilene ; the 
biographer. Cited : F. 183 : 97 

Hellas, see Greece 

Hellenes, see Greek(s) 

Helots, 115 

Hera, 223 f. ; see also Heraeum 

Heracles, 23 note g, 27, 29, 65, 79 

Heraclidae, 117 : ancestors of 
Spartan kings 

Heraclitus, 153 and note d : the 
pre-Socratic philosopher. Cited : 
B 12, 49 a, 91 : 153 

Heraeum, 117 : temple of Hera 
near Plataea 

herdsmen, 159 

Herodotus : Since the historian is 
discussed on every page of the 
De Herodoti Malignitate, no use 
would be served by listing each 
page on which he is named. In- 
stead, the following list gives 
the passages of his history 
which are quoted (indicated by 
an *) or made use of in some 
way : 

i. 1 ff. : 21; 4/2: *21, *23 
and note a ; 5. 2-3 : 21 ; 27. 
2-4 : 31, 33 ; 29 : 29 note c ; 
32. 1 : *29 ; 33 : 33 ; 53-56 : 
33 ; 59 ff. : 31 f. ; 60 ff. : 61 
ff. ; 71-77 : 33 ; 82. 8 : *33 ; 
88-91 : 33 ; 92 : 35 ; 96 : 35 ; 
135 : 25 ; 143. 3 : 35 ; 146. 
2-3 : 35 ; 147. 1-2 : 37 ; 154 : 
37; 155-156: 33; 157-160: 
37 ; 170. 3 : 29 ; 207-208 : 33 
ii. 4. 2 : 25 ; 37. 1 : 23 ; 43 : 
27 ; 44. 5 : 27 ; 45 : 23 and 

235 



INDEX 



note fir; 46.1: 27; 49.1: 25; 
58 : 25, 27 ; 59 : 23 ; 61 : 23, 
27 ; 119 : 25 ; 120. 1 : 25 and 
note a ; 121 : 81 ; 123. 1 : 15 
note b ; 145. 1 : 27 ; 145-146 : 
27 ; 162. 3 : 81 ; 171 : 25, 27 
iii. 20-22 : 65 ; 47 : 37, 39 ; 

48 : 41, 43 ; 53. 7 : 43 ; 55 : 45 
v. 32-34 : 97 note e ; 55 : 

47; 57. 1: 47; 62-63: 33 
note a ; 63. 1 : 45 ; 65 : 39 ; 
66.1: *45f. ; 70.1: 45; 91- 
92: 47 f. ; 92: 43 note c; 
94-95: 31; 97. 3: 49; 99: 

49 ; 102. 2 : 51 ; 102. 3 : 49 
vi. 53 : 27 f. ; 72 : 39 note 

/; 96: 99; 105-106: 55 and 
note b ; 106. 3 : *51 f. ; 108. 
1-3 : *51 ; 115 : 57 ; 124. 2 : 
59; 127-129: 87 

vii. 139: *67 ; 139.3: *71; 
148. 4 : 63 ; 150-152 : *63 f. ; 
152. 3 : 15 note b ; 172. 1:71; 
173. 2 : 71 note e ; 190 : 69, 
113; 202: 71; 205. 2: 71 
and note/; 206 : 127 ; 220. 2 : 
75 ; 220. 4 : 77 ; 222 : *71, 
75 ; 223. 2 : 127 ; 225. 2-3 : 
79 ; 233 : 79, *83, 85 and note 
e; 238: 85 

viii. 4. 1-2 : 87 ; 5. 1 : *109 ; 
18 : *89 ; 21. 2 : 91 ; 23. 1 : 
*89; 30: *93 ; 32-33: 93; 
46. 3: 97; 57. 1-2: *101 ; 
58. 1-2: *101; 68 /3-y : *103; 
68-69: 127; 72: 127 and note 
6; 87-88: 127; 93: 127; 
93. 1 : 113 note c ; 94 : 19 and 
note b ; 94. 1-4 : 105 ; 101- 
103: 127; 103: 103; 112: 
113 ; 122 : *113 ; 123 ff. : 
113 f. 

ix. 6-8 : 115 ; 9 : 115 ; 15. 
4-16. 5 : 73 note a ; 17-18 : 
97; 26-27: 117; 28-29: 117 
note b ; 31. 5 : 97 and note b ; 
46: 117; 52: 117; 59: 119; 
62 ff.: *127f. : 63.2: 129; 64: 
125; 69: 119; 73-75: 125; 
81.1: 107 note b; 85.3: *121, 
123 

Herophilus, 159 and note a : 
teacher of Apollonius Mys 

Hesiod, 29 

Hill, 79, 83 : at Thermopylae 



Hippias, 47, 61 : tyrant of Athens 

Hippocleides, 87 and note a : an 
Athenian suitor for Cleisthenes 
of Sicyon's daughter 

Hippocrates : On Dieting, 40 : 
185 and note a ; Airs, Waters, 
Places, 7 : 161 and note a, 217 ; 
8 : 155 and note e, 165 note a 

Hipponicus, 61, 63 : son of Cal- 
lias (q.v.) and member of a 
wealthy Athenian family 

Histiaea, 89 : city in Euboea 

History of Crete, 45 : work of An- 
tenor cited 

History of Eretria, 51 : work of 
Lysanias of Mallus cited 

Homer, 29, 167, 197, 217 
Quoted : Iliad, vi. 136 : 173 
ix. 539 : 197 ; xiii. 279 : 187 
xix. 415 : 217. Odyssey, v. 322 
323 : 167 ; xi. 368 : 129 ; xix. 
446: 193 

Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 8 : 200 
note b 

horsehair, 185 

hounds, 199. See also dogs 

Hyperbolus, 13 : Athenian dema- 
gogue 

Iasus, 29 : father of Io, according 

to Apollodorus 
Ida, Mt., 221 
Idomeneus, 111 note c : son of 

Deucalion 
Iliad, see Homer 
Inachus, 21 : father of Io, accord- 
ing to some versions 
Indian Ocean, 151 
Inscriptions (Preger) : 67 : 109 ; 

68: 111; 78: 123; 84: 125; 

103 : 91 ; 107 : 99. See also 

Anthologia Palatina; Simoni- 

des 
Io, 21 and notes b and c, 29 : 

mother of Epaphus 
Ionia, 49 

Ionians, 35, 49, 51 
Isagoras, 45, 47 : an Athenian, 

son of Tisander 
Isis, 21 note b 
Isocrates. Parallel discussions : 

Panegyric, 72 : 113 note e ; 86- 

87: 53 
Isthmian Games, 109 note a 
Isthmus, 101, 109, 113, 115 



236 



INDEX 



Jason, 111 and note c : Greek le- 
gendary hero 
Juno, see Hera 
Jupiter, see Zeus 
Justin, 57 note a : ii. 9. 20 

KAKOETHEIA, 2 

Knights, 57 note b : scholiast to 
Aristophanes' Knights, 660 

Kore\ 201 : daughter of Demeter ; 
same as Persephone" 

krdseis, 139, 161, 185, 207, 215 

Lacedaemon, see Sparta 

Lacedaemonian(s), see Spartan(s) 

Laconia, 67 

Lacrates, 97 : a Spartan, not 
otherwise known 

Laetus, 135, 153, 167 : a Greek 
writer of uncertain period 

Lampsacus, 37, 51 : city in Asia 
Minor 

Latona, see Leto 

Lattamyas, 85 : Thessalian com- 
mander, mentioned only by 
Plutarch here and in his Life of 
Gamillus, ch. xix. 2 

leanness, 217 

leeks, 227 

Leonidas, 71, 73, 75, 77 and note 
b, 79 and note d, 81, 83, 85, 87, 
89 : king of Sparta slain at 
Thermopylae 

Leontiadas, 85 : Theban com- 
mander at Thermopylae, ac- 
cording to Herodotus 

leopards, 23 

Leotychides, 39 and note / : king 
of Sparta 491-469 B.C. 

Leto, 109, 223 f. : mother of 
Apollo and Artemis 

Leuctra, 22 note b, 84 note a 

Leuctrus, 23 : a man of Leuctra 
whose daughters were raped by 
Spartan envoys 

Libya, 25 

lightning, 227 

lightning-water, 161 and note d 

lilies, 227 

liquids, 171 

Lucretius, 165 note d 

lye, 151 

Lygdamis, 39 : tyrant of Naxos 

Lykeios, 224 note a : epithet of 
Apollo 



Lysanias, 51 : of Mallus, an his- 
torian who wrote a History of 
Eretria. Quoted : Frag. 426 : 51 

Macedonians, 95 

Magnesian, 69 

magnetism, 191 and note b 

malacia, 187. See also calamary 

Mallus, 51 : a city in Cilicia 

Marathon, battle of, 33 note a, 53 
and note d, 55 and note a, 59 
and note a, 117 

Mardonius, 73 note a, 96 note b, 
115 : one of Xerxes' generals 

mares, 185 

Mede(s), 35, 97, 107. See also Per- 
sians) 

Medea, 111 and note c 

Megabates, 97 : a Persian general 

Megarians, 95, 119 

Melampus, 25 : a legendary hero 
and teacher 

Melians, 125 

Melite, 99 : a deme of Athens 

Menelaiis, 25 : husband of Helen 

Messenians, 39 

mildew, 167 and note e 

Milesians, 35 

Miletus, 39 and note e, 49, 51 

Mitylenians, see Mytilenians 

Mnamias, 71 and note e : Theban 
commander at Temp§ 

Mnesiphilus, 101, 103 : an Athe- 
nian who advised Themistocles 
before the battle of Salamis 

Mnesitheus, 207 : an Athenian 
physician of the fourth century 
B.C. 

moon, 201, 203 and note a 
Moschus, 201 : bucolic poet : 

borrowing : iii. 128 
movement, 171 
must, 207 f. 
mysteries, 25 
Mytilene, 37 
Mytilenians, 31, 37 

Nausinica, 109 : daughter of 
Adeimantus named in honour 
of his victory at Artemisium 

Naxian historian : cited : Frag. 3 : 
97 

Naxians, 97, 99 

Naxos, 39 

nets, 181, 209 f. 



237 



INDEX 



Nicander, 85 : of Colophon : 

cited : F. 35 : 85 
Nicias, 11 
Nicolaus, 38 note b : of Damascus, 

a Byzantine historian 
Nike, 123 
non-concoction, 155. See also 

138 f. 

octopus, 136 f., 187, 189, 191 f. 

Odysseus, 103 

Odyssey, see Homer 

oil, 151, 177, 179 

olive, 163 

Olympic festival, 127 

onions, 227 

Oppian, 178 note a, 186 note c 

Oracle, 173 : at Delphi, q.v. 

Othryadas, 33 : the one survivor 

of 300 Spartans in a battle with 

300 Argives 

Pactyas, 37 : a leader of a Ly- 
dian revolt against Cyrus 

paederasty, 25 

palm tree, 215 

Pamphylian Sea, 49 

Pan, 27 

Pangaeum, 169 : a mountain 
range in Thrace 

Pantaleon, 35 : brother of Croe- 
sus 

Parnassus, 93, 97 note b: the 
mountain above Delphi 

paroemiac verse, 61 and note b 

particles, 189 

Pausanias, 15, 115, 117, 119, 121, 
125 : Spartan king and com- 
mander at Plataea 

Pausanias : Greek writer of sec- 
ond century a.d. Parallel dis- 
cussions : ii. 5. 1 : 110 note b ; 
iii. 7. 9: 39 note/; ix. 13. 5-6 : 
22 

Peisistratus, 31 f., 39 and note c, 
61 : tyrant of Athens 

Peloponnese, 101, 103, 115 

Peloponnesian War, 17, 77 note b, 
85 note e 

Peloponnesians, 115, 117 

pepsis, see concoction 

perfumes, 203 

Periander, 41, 45, 47, 49 : tyrant 
of Corinth 

Pericles, 17 : Athenian statesman 

238 



Peripatetics, 134 f., 224 note b : 
school founded by Aristotle 

Persephone, see Kore 

Perseus, 27 : ancestor of Heracles 

Persian(s), 21, 25, 27, 57, 59 and 
note b, 61, 65, 67, 71, 73 note a, 
79, 91, 97, 99, 107, 109, 111, 113, 
117, 123, 125. See also bar- 
barians, Mede(s) 

Persian army, 37 

Persian Wars, 3, 39 note/, 107, 123 

Phaenippus, 61, 63 : an Athenian, 
father of Callias 

Phalerum, 59 : port of Attica 

Pheidippides, see Philippides 

Phidias, 17 : Athenian sculptor 
and friend of Pericles 

Philip II, 19 : king of Macedon 

Philip V, 11 and note b : king of 
Macedon 

Philippides, 55 and note b : Athe- 
nian courier who summoned 
Spartans to Marathon 

Philistus, 13 and note d : a Syra- 
cusan historian. Cited : Fr. T. 
13 b: 13 

Philopoemen, 23 : Achaean com- 
mander, born c. 252 B.C. ; his 
Life written by Plutarch 

Phliasians, 119 

Phocians, 69, 93, 95, 97 and note b 

Phocis, 39 

Phoebus, 125 : epithet of Apollo, 
q.v. 

Phoenicia, 47 

Phoenician(s), 21, 29, 47, 107 

Phrynon, 31 : an Athenian gen- 
eral killed by Pittacus in single 
combat 

Pigres, 127 : author of Frogs and 
Mice 

pigs, 205 and note a. See also 
sows 

Pindar, 29, 87, 136, 189, 221: 
lyric poet. Quoted : Frag. 43 : 
189 ; 77 : 87 ; 252 : 221 

Pisander, 29 : Greek poet of 
seventh century B.C. 

Pittaceum, 31 : name of plot of 
land given to Pittacus by a 
grateful MytilenS 

Pittacus, 29, 31 : one of the Seven 



plants, 149 f. and note ft, 153, 
165 f„ 213, 227 f. and cf. 167 f. 



INDEX 



Plataea, 67, 85 note e, 87, 97, 115, 
117, 119, 121, 127 f. 

Plataean(s), 51, 121, 123 

Plato, 5, 9, 149, 165, 167 : the 
philosopher. References : Cra- 
tylus, 396 E : 47 and note b ; 
402 a : 153 and note d. Epino- 
mis, 981 D : 149 and note a. 
Respublica, 361 A : 9 ; 469 E : 
221; 491 d: 149; 564 a: 149. 
Timaeus, 55 c-E : 9 ; 59 E: 
165; 65D-E: 167; 90 a: 149 

Pliny, parallel discussions : Nat. 
Hist. ii. 136: 161; ii. 222: 
173; ii. 224: 165; ii. 226: 
151 and note g ; ii. 234 : 169 f., 
173, 179 ; vii. 64 : 221 ; viii. 
83 : 223 and note a ; viii. 98 : 
205 note a ; viii. 101 : 205 note 
a ; viii. 122 : 193 ; ix. 71 : 185 
and note c ; ix. 84-85 : 187 
and note c ; ix. 87 : 189 ; xi. 
45 : 219 ; xi. 225 : 189, 193 ; 
xiii. 135, 139 : 151 and note g ; 
xiv. 73-75, 78 : 175 ; xiv. 83 : 
207 ; xiv. 120, 126 : 175 ; xv. 
106 ff. : 163 f. ; xvi. 223 : 215 ; 
xvii. 225 : 167 ; xvii. 234 : 
151 ; xviii. 91 : 167 ; xviii. 
152: 151; xviii. 275: 167; 
xx. 169 : 205 note a ; xxv. 91 : 
204 note a ; xxviii. 79 : 221 ; 
xxviii. 247 : 207 ; xxxi. 31 f. 
(esp. 32) : 155 and note a ; 
xxxi. 33 : 167 ; xxxi. 34 : 155 ; 
xxxi. 50 : 181 ; xxxi. 52 : 173 ; 
xxxi. 56 : 169 ; xxxi. 70 : 165 
and note d ; xxxi. 88 f. : 157 f. ; 
xxxi. 91 : 151 

Plutarch. The following list of 
parallel discussions is not com- 
plete but does contain most of 
the obvious parallels. Moralia, 
51C-D: 21; 92 b: 227; 96 F: 
189 and note b, 191 ; 126 c : 
195 and notee ; 144 D : 219 and 
note c ; 169 A : 11 and note e ; 
187 B-c : 19 ; 221 D : 81 ; 
225 A : 81 ; 225 a-e : 79 and 
note d ; 225 E : 81 ; 240 E : 
81 ; 256 a : 17 and note c ; 
270 E : 65 and note b ; 349 E : 
55 and note a ; 350 A : 87 and 
note c ; 409 c : 211 and note 
e ; 416 D : 211 and note e ; 



518 B : cf. 47 and note b ; 
518 C : 31 and note c ; 520 B : 
15 ; 520 F : 199 and note c ; 
552 B : 87 and note c ; 565 c : 
191 ; 601 A : 211 and note d ; 
604 F : 91 and note d ; 613 F— 
614 a : 9 ; 627 B : 149 ; 627 
b-c : 165 ; 627 C : 151 and 
note c ; 627 D : 151 and note 
a ; 627 E : cf. 223 and note b ; 
630 F : 13 and note a ; 641 a : 
213 and note b ; 646 B : 65 and 
note b ; 647 E : 201 ; 648 C : 
185 and note a ; 652 B ff. : 175 
and note c ; 659 B : 201 and 
note /, cf. also 203 and note a ; 
661b: 155; 661 b-e : 155 and 
note c ; 663 B : 155 and note c ; 
664 d : 161 and note d ; 676 B : 
157 note a ; 684 D : cf. 227 and 
note e ; 685 B : 159 and note 
b ; 685 c : 227 ; 685 D : 161 
and note b ; 688 A : 157 and 
note a, 207 ; 690 A : 161 and 
note a ; 696 A : 179 and note 
b ; 697 c : 185 and note a ; 
700 F : 193 and note b ; 701 F : 
175 and note c ; 702 B : 179 
and note b ; 724 E : 213 and 
note b, 215 and note b ; 725 
c-D : 155 and note c ; 725 d : 
155 and note e ; 768 F : cf. 17 
and note c ; 773 B— 774 A : 23 
and note b ; 780 D : 211 and 
note d ; 940 A : 201 and note 
/; 946 A— 948 A : cf. 211 and 
note b ; 949 B : 195 and note 
d ; 950 A : 225 and note b ; 
950 B : cf. 179 note a ; 974 B : 
205 and note a ; 977 A : 185 
and note c ; 978 E : 189 and 
notes a and b ; 991 E : 205 and 
note a ; 1005 b : 191 and note 
b. Agesilaus, xv : 127 and 
note d. Aristeides, v : 59 and 
note b ; xix : 123 and note d, 
125 and note c; xx: 123 and 
note b. Camillus, xix : 85 and 
note a. Cato (Minor), lxxii : 17 
note d. FlamininuSy x : 11 
and note c. Leonidas : 79 and 
note d. Nicias, vii : 11 note e ; 
xi : 13 note b. Pelopidas, xx : 
23 and note b ; xxviii, xxxiv : 
17 and note c. Pericles, xxiv, 

239 



INDEX 



xxx-xxxii : 17 and note b. 
Philopoemen, xviii : 23. Solon, 
xxvii : 33 and note d. Sulla, 
vi : cf. 19 and note a. Themis- 
tocles, ii : 101 ; vii : 87 and 
note b ; viii : 87 and note c 

Pluto, 201 

pneuma, 140 f., 155 and note a, 
161, 179, 187 and note/, 191, 219 

Poliuchos, 37 : epithet of Athena, 
q.v. 

Pollux, of Naucratis. Parallel dis- 
cussions : OnomasU ii. 69 : 159 
note b 

Polycrates, 37, 43 : tyrant of Sa- 
mos 

pomegranates, 163 

poroi, 141, 165, 179, 191, 193, 215 

ProseOa, 91 : epithet of Artemis, 
q.v. 

Proteus, 25 : of Memphis, king of 
Egypt 

Proverbia, 21, 41, 47, 61, 87, 215 

Prytaneum, 35 : at Athens, the 
magistrates' hall 

putrefaction, 155 

Pylae, 89 : i.e. Thermopylae 

Pythia, see Delphic prophetess 

Pythius, 113 : epithet of Apollo, 
q.v. 

Quinctius, see Flamininus 

RAIN, 153, 155, 157, 161, 181, 183 

rats, 161 

Register of Magistrates, 85 : work 

of Aristophanes, the Boeotian 

historian 
Regulus, 23 : M. Atilius, Roman 

consul in 267 and 256 B.C. ; 

captured by Carthaginians 
Rhoecus, 221 and note b : a 

Cnidian who saved a tree- 

nymph 
river air, 169 
river boats, 171 
rivers, 153, 169, 177, 225 
rocks, 191 f. 
Romans, 23 
roots, 163 
roses, 227 f. 
rue, 227 

Sages, the Seven, 29 

Salamis, battle of, 19 note b, 99, 

240 



101, 107 and note c, 113, 123, 
127 

Salamis, Island of, 105, 107 and 
note c 

salt, 149, 159, 161, 163 ff., 217, 227 

saltiness, 165, 167 

salty flavouring, 163, 165, 193 f. 

Samian(s), 37, 39, 41, 43, 45, 49 

Samos, 41 

Sardis, 49, 51 

scabbiness, 167 f. 

Scythians, 113 

sea, 149 f., 165, 169, 171, 173, 175 
and note a, 177, 179, 181, 225, 
227 

sea- sickness, 177 

seeds, 153 ff., 161 f. 

Selene, 201 : the moon 

Seneca, 134 f. Parallel discus- 
sions : Nat. Quaest. i. 15. 1 : 
211 and note / ; iii. 21. 2 : 155 
note d ; iii. 25. 11 : 167 ; vi. 
13. 2 : 181 ; vii. 1. 1 ff. : 211 

Serpent Column, 107 note b 

Seven Sages, see Sages 

Sextus Empiricus. Parallel dis- 
cussions : i. 57 : 205 note a ; 
i. 71 : 204 note a 

Sibyl, 103 

Sicily, 163, 201 

Sicyon, 39 

Sigaeum, 31, 47 

Simonides, 99, 111, 119 : of Ceos, 
the poet. Quoted : Frag. 84 : 
119 ; 96 : 109 ; 97. 1-2 : 109 ; 
98: 109; 134: 109; 135: 
91; 136: 99; 137: 111; 138: 
125; 140: 123 

Siphnians, 67 

slaves, 10 note c 

smell, 191 

smoke, 219 

Socles, 47 : a Corinthian envoy 

Socrates, 19 : the philosopher 

soil, 183 

Solon, 29, 33 note d : the Athe- 
nian lawmaker 

Sophanes, 125 : an Athenian hero 
at Plataea 

Sophists, 15, 29 and note c 

Sophocles, 9 f. Quoted : Frag. 
781 (iii. 865 Jebb-Pearson) : 9 

So sides, see Socles 

sows, 195 f. See also pigs 

Sparta, 33, 39, 55, 81, 107, 115 



INDEX 



Spartan(s), 3, 17, 23, 33, 37, 39, 41, 
43, 45, 47, 51, 53, 55, 63, 65, 67 
and note b, 69, 71 and note e, 
73, 75, 77, 79, 81, 85, 97, 107, 
115, 117, 119, 121, 123, 125, 
127, 129 

spoor, 199, 203 

spring, 161 f., 199 f. 

springs, 153 f., 181, 211, 217 

stallions, 185 

Stesichorus, 29 : of Himera, a 
Greek poet. Reference : Frag. 
59 " 29 

style,' 9, 11, 129, 136 

summer, 169 f., 173, 179, 183 

Sunium, 57, 59 

Susa, 63, 103 

sweetness, 139 f., 157, 163 note d, 
173, 193, 199, 209 

Symmachus, 39 : tyrant of Thasos 

TEARS, 193 f. 

Tegea, 115, 117 

Tegeans, 117, 119 

Temp§, 71 and note e 

tenuity, 155 and note a 

Thales, 29 : the Ionian philoso- 
pher 

Thasos, 39 and note e 

Theban(s), 69, 71 and note e, 73 
and note a, 75, 77 and note b, 
79, 83, 85 and note e, 87, 119 

ThebS, 17 : wife of Alexander, 
the tyrant of Pherae who killed 
her husband 

Thebes, 77 note b, 79 and note a 

Themis, 45 : the Greek goddess 

Themistocles, 13 note d, 15, 87, 
99, 101, 103, 113: Athenian 
statesman. Plutarch wrote his 
Life 

Theocritus, 221 and note a. 
Quoted : i. 105-107 : 221 

Theognis, 136 f., 189. Quoted : 
215-216: 189 

Theophrastus, 134 ff., 166 note a, 
169, 181, 187. Parallel discus 
sions : Be Causis Plant, ii. 8. 2 
209 and note a ; ii. 9. 7 : 185 
and note a ; lii. 21. 2 : 183 
hi. 23. 1-2 : 167 ; iv. 9. 1 : 183 
iv. 9. 5 : 163 ; iv. 11. 1-3 : 183 
iv. 14. 3 : 167 ; vi. 9. 10 : 213 
v. 15. 6 : 151 ; vi. 4. 1 : 163 
vi. 10. 1: 163; vi. 17. 5 : 203 



vi. 20. 4 : 199. Hist. Plant, iv. 
16. 5 : 151 ; v. 6. 1 : 215 and 
note b ; viii. 1. 4 : 183 ; viii. 
6. 6 : 163 ; viii. 8. 2 : 153 note 

a. Be Sensu 20 : 191 ; 59 : 
224 note b ; 64 ff. : 165 note d. 
Frag. 2. 67: 173; 6.40: 187; 
159: 169 and note b; 161: 169; 
163 : 181 ; 172. 1 : 193 ; 173 : 187 ; 
188 : 187 and note e ; see also 
186 note c 

Theopompus, 11, 59 note a, 111 
and note d : fourth- century 
historian. References : Frag. 
T.25: 11; F. 153: 59; F.285: 
111 

Thermopylae, 69, 71, 73, 77 note 

b, 79, 81, 83, 85, 87, 89, 119, 127. 
See also Pylae 

Theseus, 13 note d 

Thespiae, 83 

Thespians, 71, 73 

Thessalian(s), 39 and note /, 71 
and note e, 83, 85, 93, 95 

Thessaly, 39 note /, 111 note c, 
181 note d 

Thetis, 111 and note c : mother 
of Achilles 

Thrace, 169 

Thracian, 21 note c 

Thucydides, 13, 17, 107 : Athe- 
nian historian. References : i. 
73 ff. : 107 ; i. 132 : 125 ; ii. 
2. 3 : 85 note e ; ii. 15. 2 : 13 
note d ; hi. 36. 6 : 11 ; iii. 91. 
4 : 63 note b ; iv. 28. 5 : 11 ; 
vii. 50. 4 : 11 ; viii. 73. 3 : 13 

thunder, 161 f. 

thunderbolt, 227 

Thurian, 91 and note d 

Thyreae, 33, 67 : a city in Laconia 

tigers, 23 

Timaeus, 111 note d : of Tauro- 
meniuin, Greek historian. Re- 
ference : F. 10 

Timotheiis, 19 and note a : fourth- 
century Athenian general 

Tisander, 45 : an Athenian, father 
of Isagoras 

Titus, see Flamininus 

tortoise, 205 

tragdn, 213 

Tragica Adespota : Nauck, p. 193 : 
15 

transparency, 171 and note c 



241 



INDEX 



trees, 149-153, 153-157, cf. 167 f. 
Trojan War, 21 

vapouk, 181 

Venus, 221. See also Aphrodite 

Victory, see Nike" 

vines, 213 f. 

violets, 201, 227 

vultures, 205 

WARMTH, 173, 179 f., 185, 207 f., 

213 
water, 151, 173, 177, 217, 22^ 
water-lifters, see clepsydra 
wax, 165 
well-water, 217 
West Wind, 217 
wheat, 183, 185 
wild boar, 193 f. 
wind, 155, 217 



wine, 157 and note a, 173 f., 177, 

203 *^13 f 
winter, *161 f., 169 f., 171 f., 179 
wolves, 209, 223, 224 note a 
women, 35, 80 note b, 109 f., 207 

Xenophon : Athenian historian. 
Parallel discussions : Anabasis, 
iii. 2. 12 : 57. Cynegeticus, v. 
4 : 201 ; x. 17 : 193. Cyro- 
paedia, vii. 5. 11 : 215. Hel- 
lenica, vi. 4. 7 : 22 note b 

Xerxes, 67, 69, 71 note g, 73, 79, 
83, 85, 87, 89, 103, 127 and cf. 
15, 49 : the Persian king 

Zacynthus, 175 : an island off 

the west coast of Greece 
Zephyrus, see West Wind 
Zeus, 47, 123, 201, 223 f. and cf. 69 



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Helmbold. 

Plutarch ? The Parallel Lives. B. Perrin. 1 1 Vols. 

Polyhius. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. 

Procopius : History of the Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. 

Ptolemy : Tetrahirlos. Cf. Manetho. 

Quintus Smyrnaeus. A. S. Way. Verse trans. 

Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. 

Sophocles. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans. 

Straro : Geography. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. 

Theophrastus : Characters. J. M. Edmonds ; Herodes, 
etc. A. D. Knox. 

Theophrastus : Enquiry into Plants. Sir Arthur Hort. 
2 Vols. 

Thucydides. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. 

Tryphiodorus. Cf Oppian. 

Xenophon : Cyropaedia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. 

Xenophon : Hellenica, Anarasis, Apology, and Sympo- 
sium. C L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. 

Xenophon : Memorarilia and Oeconomicus. E. C. Mar- 
chant. 

Xenophon : Scripta Minora. E. C Marchant. 



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